Chapter XVI: Conduct Towards The Christians, From Nero To Constantine.—Part VI.
Chapter XVI: Conduct Towards The Christians, From Nero To Constantine.—Part VI.
Although the policy of Diocletian and the humanity of Constantius inclined
them to preserve inviolate the maxims of toleration, it was soon
discovered that their two associates, Maximian and Galerius, entertained
the most implacable aversion for the name and religion of the Christians.
The minds of those princes had never been enlightened by science;
education had never softened their temper. They owed their greatness to
their swords, and in their most elevated fortune they still retained their
superstitious prejudices of soldiers and peasants. In the general
administration of the provinces they obeyed the laws which their
benefactor had established; but they frequently found occasions of
exercising within their camp and palaces a secret persecution, for which
the imprudent zeal of the Christians sometimes offered the most specious
pretences. A sentence of death was executed upon Maximilianus, an African
youth, who had been produced by his own father *before the magistrate as a
sufficient and legal recruit, but who obstinately persisted in declaring,
that his conscience would not permit him to embrace the profession of a
soldier. It could scarcely be expected that any government should suffer
the action of Marcellus the Centurion to pass with impunity. On the day of
a public festival, that officer threw away his belt, his arms, and the
ensigns of his office, and exclaimed with a loud voice, that he would obey
none but Jesus Christ the eternal King, and that he renounced forever the
use of carnal weapons, and the service of an idolatrous master. The
soldiers, as soon as they recovered from their astonishment, secured the
person of Marcellus. He was examined in the city of Tingi by the president
of that part of Mauritania; and as he was convicted by his own confession,
he was condemned and beheaded for the crime of desertion. Examples of such
a nature savor much less of religious persecution than of martial or even
civil law; but they served to alienate the mind of the emperors, to
justify the severity of Galerius, who dismissed a great number of
Christian officers from their employments; and to authorize the opinion,
that a sect of enthusiastics, which avowed principles so repugnant to the
public safety, must either remain useless, or would soon become dangerous,
subjects of the empire.
After the success of the Persian war had raised the hopes and the
reputation of Galerius, he passed a winter with Diocletian in the palace
of Nicomedia; and the fate of Christianity became the object of their
secret consultations. The experienced emperor was still inclined to pursue
measures of lenity; and though he readily consented to exclude the
Christians from holding any employments in the household or the army, he
urged in the strongest terms the danger as well as cruelty of shedding the
blood of those deluded fanatics. Galerius at length extorted from him the
permission of summoning a council, composed of a few persons the most
distinguished in the civil and military departments of the state. The
important question was agitated in their presence, and those ambitious
courtiers easily discerned, that it was incumbent on them to second, by
their eloquence, the importunate violence of the Cæsar. It may be
presumed, that they insisted on every topic which might interest the
pride, the piety, or the fears, of their sovereign in the destruction of
Christianity. Perhaps they represented, that the glorious work of the
deliverance of the empire was left imperfect, as long as an independent
people was permitted to subsist and multiply in the heart of the
provinces. The Christians, (it might specially be alleged,) renouncing the
gods and the institutions of Rome, had constituted a distinct republic,
which might yet be suppressed before it had acquired any military force;
but which was already governed by its own laws and magistrates, was
possessed of a public treasure, and was intimately connected in all its
parts by the frequent assemblies of the bishops, to whose decrees their
numerous and opulent congregations yielded an implicit obedience.
Arguments like these may seem to have determined the reluctant mind of
Diocletian to embrace a new system of persecution; but though we may
suspect, it is not in our power to relate, the secret intrigues of the
palace, the private views and resentments, the jealousy of women or
eunuchs, and all those trifling but decisive causes which so often
influence the fate of empires, and the councils of the wisest monarchs.
The pleasure of the emperors was at length signified to the Christians,
who, during the course of this melancholy winter, had expected, with
anxiety, the result of so many secret consultations. The twenty-third of
February, which coincided with the Roman festival of the Terminalia, was
appointed (whether from accident or design) to set bounds to the progress
of Christianity. At the earliest dawn of day, the Prætorian præfect,
accompanied by several generals, tribunes, and officers of the revenue,
repaired to the principal church of Nicomedia, which was situated on an
eminence in the most populous and beautiful part of the city. The doors
were instantly broke open; they rushed into the sanctuary; and as they
searched in vain for some visible object of worship, they were obliged to
content themselves with committing to the flames the volumes of the holy
Scripture. The ministers of Diocletian were followed by a numerous body of
guards and pioneers, who marched in order of battle, and were provided
with all the instruments used in the destruction of fortified cities. By
their incessant labor, a sacred edifice, which towered above the Imperial
palace, and had long excited the indignation and envy of the Gentiles, was
in a few hours levelled with the ground.
The next day the general edict of persecution was published; and though
Diocletian, still averse to the effusion of blood, had moderated the fury
of Galerius, who proposed, that every one refusing to offer sacrifice
should immediately be burnt alive, the penalties inflicted on the
obstinacy of the Christians might be deemed sufficiently rigorous and
effectual. It was enacted, that their churches, in all the provinces of
the empire, should be demolished to their foundations; and the punishment
of death was denounced against all who should presume to hold any secret
assemblies for the purpose of religious worship. The philosophers, who now
assumed the unworthy office of directing the blind zeal of persecution,
had diligently studied the nature and genius of the Christian religion;
and as they were not ignorant that the speculative doctrines of the faith
were supposed to be contained in the writings of the prophets, of the
evangelists, and of the apostles, they most probably suggested the order,
that the bishops and presbyters should deliver all their sacred books into
the hands of the magistrates; who were commanded, under the severest
penalties, to burn them in a public and solemn manner. By the same edict,
the property of the church was at once confiscated; and the several parts
of which it might consist were either sold to the highest bidder, united
to the Imperial domain, bestowed on the cities and corporations, or
granted to the solicitations of rapacious courtiers. After taking such
effectual measures to abolish the worship, and to dissolve the government
of the Christians, it was thought necessary to subject to the most
intolerable hardships the condition of those perverse individuals who
should still reject the religion of nature, of Rome, and of their
ancestors. Persons of a liberal birth were declared incapable of holding
any honors or employments; slaves were forever deprived of the hopes of
freedom, and the whole body of the people were put out of the protection
of the law. The judges were authorized to hear and to determine every
action that was brought against a Christian. But the Christians were not
permitted to complain of any injury which they themselves had suffered;
and thus those unfortunate sectaries were exposed to the severity, while
they were excluded from the benefits, of public justice. This new species
of martyrdom, so painful and lingering, so obscure and ignominious, was,
perhaps, the most proper to weary the constancy of the faithful: nor can
it be doubted that the passions and interest of mankind were disposed on
this occasion to second the designs of the emperors. But the policy of a
well-ordered government must sometimes have interposed in behalf of the
oppressed Christians; * nor was it possible for the Roman princes entirely
to remove the apprehension of punishment, or to connive at every act of
fraud and violence, without exposing their own authority and the rest of
their subjects to the most alarming dangers.
This edict was scarcely exhibited to the public view, in the most
conspicuous place of Nicomedia, before it was torn down by the hands of a
Christian, who expressed at the same time, by the bitterest invectives,
his contempt as well as abhorrence for such impious and tyrannical
governors. His offence, according to the mildest laws, amounted to
treason, and deserved death. And if it be true that he was a person of
rank and education, those circumstances could serve only to aggravate his
guilt. He was burnt, or rather roasted, by a slow fire; and his
executioners, zealous to revenge the personal insult which had been
offered to the emperors, exhausted every refinement of cruelty, without
being able to subdue his patience, or to alter the steady and insulting
smile which in his dying agonies he still preserved in his countenance.
The Christians, though they confessed that his conduct had not been
strictly conformable to the laws of prudence, admired the divine fervor of
his zeal; and the excessive commendations which they lavished on the
memory of their hero and martyr, contributed to fix a deep impression of
terror and hatred in the mind of Diocletian.
His fears were soon alarmed by the view of a danger from which he very
narrowly escaped. Within fifteen days the palace of Nicomedia, and even
the bed-chamber of Diocletian, were twice in flames; and though both times
they were extinguished without any material damage, the singular
repetition of the fire was justly considered as an evident proof that it
had not been the effect of chance or negligence. The suspicion naturally
fell on the Christians; and it was suggested, with some degree of
probability, that those desperate fanatics, provoked by their present
sufferings, and apprehensive of impending calamities, had entered into a
conspiracy with their faithful brethren, the eunuchs of the palace,
against the lives of two emperors, whom they detested as the
irreconcilable enemies of the church of God. Jealousy and resentment
prevailed in every breast, but especially in that of Diocletian. A great
number of persons, distinguished either by the offices which they had
filled, or by the favor which they had enjoyed, were thrown into prison.
Every mode of torture was put in practice, and the court, as well as city,
was polluted with many bloody executions. But as it was found impossible
to extort any discovery of this mysterious transaction, it seems incumbent
on us either to presume the innocence, or to admire the resolution, of the
sufferers. A few days afterwards Galerius hastily withdrew himself from
Nicomedia, declaring, that if he delayed his departure from that devoted
palace, he should fall a sacrifice to the rage of the Christians. The
ecclesiastical historians, from whom alone we derive a partial and
imperfect knowledge of this persecution, are at a loss how to account for
the fears and dangers of the emperors. Two of these writers, a prince and
a rhetorician, were eye-witnesses of the fire of Nicomedia. The one
ascribes it to lightning, and the divine wrath; the other affirms, that it
was kindled by the malice of Galerius himself.
As the edict against the Christians was designed for a general law of the
whole empire, and as Diocletian and Galerius, though they might not wait
for the consent, were assured of the concurrence, of the Western princes,
it would appear more consonant to our ideas of policy, that the governors
of all the provinces should have received secret instructions to publish,
on one and the same day, this declaration of war within their respective
departments. It was at least to be expected, that the convenience of the
public highways and established posts would have enabled the emperors to
transmit their orders with the utmost despatch from the palace of
Nicomedia to the extremities of the Roman world; and that they would not
have suffered fifty days to elapse, before the edict was published in
Syria, and near four months before it was signified to the cities of
Africa. This delay may perhaps be imputed to the cautious temper of
Diocletian, who had yielded a reluctant consent to the measures of
persecution, and who was desirous of trying the experiment under his more
immediate eye, before he gave way to the disorders and discontent which it
must inevitably occasion in the distant provinces. At first, indeed, the
magistrates were restrained from the effusion of blood; but the use of
every other severity was permitted, and even recommended to their zeal;
nor could the Christians, though they cheerfully resigned the ornaments of
their churches, resolve to interrupt their religious assemblies, or to
deliver their sacred books to the flames. The pious obstinacy of Felix, an
African bishop, appears to have embarrassed the subordinate ministers of
the government. The curator of his city sent him in chains to the
proconsul. The proconsul transmitted him to the Prætorian præfect
of Italy; and Felix, who disdained even to give an evasive answer, was at
length beheaded at Venusia, in Lucania, a place on which the birth of
Horace has conferred fame. This precedent, and perhaps some Imperial
rescript, which was issued in consequence of it, appeared to authorize the
governors of provinces, in punishing with death the refusal of the
Christians to deliver up their sacred books. There were undoubtedly many
persons who embraced this opportunity of obtaining the crown of martyrdom;
but there were likewise too many who purchased an ignominious life, by
discovering and betraying the holy Scripture into the hands of infidels. A
great number even of bishops and presbyters acquired, by this criminal
compliance, the opprobrious epithet of Traditors;
and their offence was productive of much present scandal and of much
future discord in the African church.
The copies as well as the versions of Scripture, were already so
multiplied in the empire, that the most severe inquisition could no longer
be attended with any fatal consequences; and even the sacrifice of those
volumes, which, in every congregation, were preserved for public use,
required the consent of some treacherous and unworthy Christians. But the
ruin of the churches was easily effected by the authority of the
government, and by the labor of the Pagans. In some provinces, however,
the magistrates contented themselves with shutting up the places of
religious worship. In others, they more literally complied with the terms
of the edict; and after taking away the doors, the benches, and the
pulpit, which they burnt as it were in a funeral pile, they completely
demolished the remainder of the edifice. It is perhaps to this melancholy
occasion that we should apply a very remarkable story, which is related
with so many circumstances of variety and improbability, that it serves
rather to excite than to satisfy our curiosity. In a small town in
Phrygia, of whose name as well as situation we are left ignorant, it
should seem that the magistrates and the body of the people had embraced
the Christian faith; and as some resistance might be apprehended to the
execution of the edict, the governor of the province was supported by a
numerous detachment of legionaries. On their approach the citizens threw
themselves into the church, with the resolution either of defending by
arms that sacred edifice, or of perishing in its ruins. They indignantly
rejected the notice and permission which was given them to retire, till
the soldiers, provoked by their obstinate refusal, set fire to the
building on all sides, and consumed, by this extraordinary kind of
martyrdom, a great number of Phrygians, with their wives and children.
Some slight disturbances, though they were suppressed almost as soon as
excited, in Syria and the frontiers of Armenia, afforded the enemies of
the church a very plausible occasion to insinuate, that those troubles had
been secretly fomented by the intrigues of the bishops, who had already
forgotten their ostentatious professions of passive and unlimited
obedience. The resentment, or the fears, of Diocletian, at length
transported him beyond the bounds of moderation, which he had hitherto
preserved, and he declared, in a series of cruel edicts, his intention of
abolishing the Christian name. By the first of these edicts, the governors
of the provinces were directed to apprehend all persons of the
ecclesiastical order; and the prisons, destined for the vilest criminals,
were soon filled with a multitude of bishops, presbyters, deacons,
readers, and exorcists. By a second edict, the magistrates were commanded
to employ every method of severity, which might reclaim them from their
odious superstition, and oblige them to return to the established worship
of the gods. This rigorous order was extended, by a subsequent edict, to
the whole body of Christians, who were exposed to a violent and general
persecution. Instead of those salutary restraints, which had required the
direct and solemn testimony of an accuser, it became the duty as well as
the interest of the Imperial officers to discover, to pursue, and to
torment the most obnoxious among the faithful. Heavy penalties were
denounced against all who should presume to save a prescribed sectary from
the just indignation of the gods, and of the emperors. Yet,
notwithstanding the severity of this law, the virtuous courage of many of
the Pagans, in concealing their friends or relations, affords an honorable
proof, that the rage of superstition had not extinguished in their minds
the sentiments of nature and humanity.