Bellum Catilinarium.

Bellum Catilinarium.

1. Omnes[1] homines, qui sese student[2] praestare ceteris animalibus, summa ope[3] niti decet, ne vitam silentio transeant veluti pecora, quae natura prona[4] atque ventri obedientia finxit. Sed nostra omnis vis in animo et corpore sita est; animi imperio, corporis servitio magis utimur; alterum nobis cum dis,[5] alterum cum beluis[6] commune est. Quo mihi rectius videtur ingenii quam virium opibus gloriam quaerere et, quoniam vita ipsa qua fruimur brevis est, memoriam nostri[7] quam maxime longam[8] efficere. Nam divitiarum et formae gloria fluxa atque fragilis est, virtus clara aeternaque habetur. Sed diu magnum inter mortales certamen fuit,[9] vine corporis an virtute animi res militaris magis procederet. Nam et prius quam incipias consulto, et ubi consulueris mature facto opus est.[10] Ita utrumque per se indigens, alterum alterius auxilio eget.

2. Igitur[11] initio reges (nam in terris nomen imperii id primum fuit), diversi pars[12] ingenium, alii corpus exercebant; etiamtum vita hominum sine cupiditate agitabatur, sua cuique satis placebant. Postea vero quam[13] in Asia Cyrus, in Graecia Lacedaemonii et Athenienses coepere urbes atque nationes subigere; libidinem dominandi causam belli habere, maximam gloriam in maximo imperio putare, tum demum periculo atque negotiis compertum est in bello plurimum ingenium posse. Quodsi[14] regum atque imperatorum animi virtus[15] in pace ita ut in bello valeret, aequabilius atque constantius sese res humanae haberent, neque aliud alio[16] ferri, neque mutari ac misceri omnia cerneres. Nam imperium facile his artibus retinetur, quibus initio partum est. Verum ubi pro labore desidia, pro continentia et aequitate libido atque superbia invasere, fortuna simul cum moribus immutatur. Ita imperium semper ad optimum quemque[17] a minus bono transfertur. Quae homines arant, navigant, aedificant, virtuti omnia parent. Sed multi mortales dediti ventri atque somno, indocti incultique vitam sicuti peregrinantes transiere;[18] quibus profecto contra naturam corpus voluptati, anima oneri fuit. Eorum ego vitam mortemque juxta aestimo,[19] quoniam de utraque siletur. Verum enimvero[20] is demum mihi vivere atque frui anima videtur, qui aliquo negotio intentus[21] praeclari facinoris aut artis bonae famam quaerit. Sed in magna copia rerum aliud alii natura iter ostendit.

3. Pulcrum est bene facere rei publicae; etiam bene dicere haud absurdum est;[22] vel pace vel bello clarum fieri licet; et qui fecere et qui facta aliorum scripsere, multi laudantur. Ac mihi quidem,[23] tametsi haudquaquam par gloria sequitur scriptorem et actorem rerum, tamen in primis arduum videtur res gestas scribere; primum quod facta dictis exaequanda sunt, dehinc quia plerique, quae delicta reprehenderis, malivolentia et invidia dicta putant;[24] ubi de magna virtute atque gloria bonorum memores, quae sibi quisque facilia factu putat, aequo animo accipit, supra ea[25] veluti ficta pro falsis ducit.

Sed ego[26] adolescentulus initio sicuti plerique studio ad rem publicam latus sum, ibique mihi multa adversa fuere. Nam pro pudore, pro abstinentia, pro virtute, audacia, largitio, avaritia vigebant. Quae tametsi animus aspernabatur, insolens malarum artium,[27] tamen inter tanta vitia imbecilla aetas ambitione corrupta tenebatur[28]: ac me, quum ab reliquorum malis moribus dissentirem, nihilo minus honoris cupido eâdem qua ceteros famâ atque invidiâ vexabat.[29]

4. Igitur ubi animus ex multis miseriis atque periculis requievit et mihi reliquam aetatem a re publica procul habendam decrevi, non fuit consilium socordia atque desidia bonum otium conterere;[30] neque vero agrum colendo aut venando, servilibus officiis,[31] intentum aetatem agere; sed a quo incepto studioque me ambitio mala detinuerat, eodem regressus statui res gestas populi Romani carptim,[32] ut quaeque memoria digna videbantur, perscribere; eo magis, quod mihi a spe, metu, partibus rei publicae animus liber erat. Igitur de Catilinae conjuratione quam verissime potero paucis absolvam:[33] nam id facinus in primis ego memorabile existimo sceleris atque periculi novitate. De cujus hominis moribus pauca prius explananda sunt, quam initium narrandi faciam.

5. Lucius Catilina,[34] nobili genere natus, fuit magna vi et animi et corporis, sed ingenio malo pravoque. Huic ab adolescentia bella intestina, caedes, rapinae, discordia civilis grata fuere, ibique juventutem suam exercuit. Corpus patiens[35] inediae, algoris, vigiliae, supra quam cuiquam credibile est. Animus audax, subdolus, varius, cujus rei libet[36] simulator ac dissimulator, alieni appetens, sui profusus, ardens in cupiditatibus; satis eloquentiae, sapientiae parum. Vastus animus immoderata, incredibilia, nimis alta semper cupiebat. Hunc post dominationem Lucii Sullae libido maxima invaserat rei publicae capiundae,[37] neque id quibus modis assequeretur, dum sibi regnum pararet, quidquam pensi habebat. Agitabatur magis magisque in dies animus ferox inopia rei familiaris et conscientia scelerum, quae utraque his artibus auxerat,[38] quas supra memoravi. Incitabant praeterea corrupti civitatis mores, quos pessima ac diversa inter se mala, luxuria atque avaritia, vexabant. Res ipsa hortari videtur, quoniam de moribus civitatis tempus admonuit, supra repetere[39] ac paucis instituta majorum domi militiaeque,[40] quomodo rem publicam habuerint quantamque reliquerint, ut paulatim immutata ex pulcherrima pessima ac flagitiosissima facta sit, disserere.

6. Urbem Romam,[41] sicuti ego accepi, condidere atque habuere initio Trojani, qui Aenea duce profugi sedibus incertis vagabantur, cumque his Aborigines,[42] genus hominum agreste, sine legibus, sine imperio, liberum atque solutum. Hi postquam in una[43] moenia convenere, dispari genere, dissimili lingua, alius alio more viventes, incredibile memoratu est quam facile coaluerint.[44] Sed postquam res eorum civibus, moribus, agris aucta, satia prospera satisque pollens videbatur, sicuti pleraque mortalium habentur, invidia ex opulentia orta est. Igitur reges populique finitimi bello temptare,[45] pauci ex amicis auxilio esse; nam ceteri metu perculsi a periculis aberant. At Romani domi militiaeque intenti festinare, parare, alius alium hortari, hostibus obviam ire, libertatem, patriam parentesque armis tegere. Post, ubi pericula virtute propulerant, sociis atque amicis auxilia portabant,[46] magisque dandis quam accipiundis beneficiis amicitias parabant. Imperium legitimum, nomen imperii regium habebant;[47] delecti, quibus corpus annis infirmum, ingenium sapientia validum erat, rei publicae consultabant;[48] hi vel aetate vel curae similitudine patres appellabantur. Post, ubi regium imperium, quod initio conservandae libertatis atque augendae rei publicae[49] fuerat, in superbiam dominationemque convertit[50] immutato more annua imperia binosque imperatores[51] sibi fecere; eo modo minime posse putabant per licentiam insolescere animum humanum.

7. Sed ea tempestate coepere se quisque magis extollere magisque ingenium in promptu habere.[52] Nam regibus boni quam mali suspectiores sunt, semperque his aliena virtus formidolosa est. Sed civitas incredibile memoratu est adepta[53] libertate quantum brevi[54] creverit; tanta cupido gloriae incesserat.[55] Jam primum juventus, simul ac belli patiens erat, in castris per laborem usu militiam discebat, magisque in decoris armis et militaribus equis quam in scortis atque conviviis libidinem habebant.[56] Igitur talibus viris non labos[57] insolitus, non locus ullus asper aut arduus erat, non armatus hostis formidolosus; virtus omnia domuerat. Sed gloriae maximum certamen inter ipsos erat: sic se quisque hostem ferire, murum ascendere, conspici, dum tale facinus faceret, properabat; eas[58] divitias, eam bonam famam magnamque nobilitatem putabant; laudis avidi, pecuniae liberales erant; gloriam ingentem, divitias honestas volebant. Memorare possem, quibus in locis maximas hostium copias populus Romanus parva manu fuderit, quas urbes natura munitas pugnando ceperit, ni ea res longius nos ab incepto traheret.

8. Sed profecto fortuna in omni re dominatur; ea res cunctas ex libidine magis quam ex vero celebrat obscuratque. Atheniensium res gestae, sicuti ego aestimo, satis amplae magnificaeque fuere, verum aliquanto[59] minores tamen quam fama feruntur. Sed quia provenere ibi scriptorum magna ingenia, per terrarum orbem Atheniensium facta pro maximis[60] celebrantur. Ita eorum, qui ea fecere, virtus tanta habetur, quantum ea verbis potuere extollere praeclara ingenia. At populo Romano nunquam ea copia fuit, quia prudentissimus quisque maxime negotiosus erat;[61] ingenium nemo sine corpore exercebat; optimus quisque facere quam dicere, sua ab aliis bene facta laudari quam ipse aliorum narrare malebat.

9. Igitur domi militiaeque boni mores colebantur, concordia maxima, minima avaritia erat, jus bonumque apud eos non legibus magis quam natura[62] valebat. Jurgia, discordias, simultates cum hostibus exercebant, cives cum civibus de virtute certabant; in suppliciis[63] deorum magnifici, domi parci, in amicos fideles erant. Duabus his artibus, audacia in bello, ubi pax evenerat, aequitate seque[64] remque publicam curabant. Quarum rerum ego maxima documenta haec habeo, quod in bello saepius vindicatum est in eos, qui contra imperium in hostem pugnaverant, quique tardius revocati proelio excesserant, quam qui signa relinquere aut pulsi loco cedere ausi erant; in pace vero, quod beneficiis quam[65] metu imperium agitabant, et acceptâ injuriâ[66] ignoscere quam persequi malebant.

10. Sed ubi labore atque justitia res publica crevit, reges magni bello domiti, nationes ferae et populi ingentes vi subacti, Carthago, aemula imperii Romani, ab stirpe interiit, cuncta maria terraeque patebant, saevire fortuna ac miscere omnia coepit. Qui labores, pericula, dubias atque asperas res facile toleraverant, his otium, divitiae optandae aliis oneri miseriaeque fuere. Igitur primo pecuniae, deinde imperii cupido crevit; ea quasi materies omnium malorum fuere. Namque avaritia fidem, probitatem ceterasque artes bonas subvertit; pro his superbiam, crudelitatem, deos negligere, omnia venalia habere edocuit. Ambitio multos mortales falsos fieri subegit, aliud clausum in pectore, aliud in lingua promptum habere, amicitias inimicitiasque non ex re, sed ex commodo aestimare, magisque vultum quam ingenium bonum habere. Haec primo paulatim crescere, interdum vindicari; post, ubi contagio quasi pestilentia invasit, civitas immutata, imperium ex justissimo atque optimo crudele intolerandumque factum.

11. Sed primo magis ambitio quam avaritia animos hominum exercebat, quod tamen vitium propius virtutem[67] erat. Nam gloriam, honorem, imperium bonus et ignavus aeque sibi exoptant; sed ille vera via nititur, huic quia bonae artes desunt, dolis atque fallaciis contendit. Avaritia pecuniae studium habet, quam nemo sapiens concupivit;[68] ea quasi venenis malis imbuta corpus animumque virilem effeminat, semper infinita, insatiabilis est, neque copia neque inopia minuitur. Sed postquam L. Sulla, armis recepta re publica, bonis initiis malos eventus habuit,[69] rapere omnes, trahere, domum alius, alius agros cupere, neque modum neque modestiam victores habere, foeda crudeliaque in civibus[70] facinora facere. Huc accedebat, quod L. Sulla exercitum, quem in Asia ductaverat, quo sibi fidum faceret,[71] contra morem majorum luxuriose nimisque liberaliter habuerat; loca amoena, voluptaria[72] facile in otio feroces militum animos molliverant. Ibi primum insuevit exercitus populi Romani amare,[73] potare, signa, tabulas pictas, vasa caelata[74] mirari, ea privatim et publice rapere, delubra[75] spoliare, sacra profanaque omnia polluere. Igitur hi milites, postquam victoriam adepti sunt, nihil reliqui victis fecere. Quippe secundae res sapientium animos fatigant; ne illi corruptis moribus victoriae temperarent.[76]

12. Postquam divitiae honori esse coepere et eas gloria, imperium, potentia sequebatur, hebescere virtus, paupertas probro haberi, innocentia pro malivolentia[77] duci coepit. Igitur ex divitiis juventutem luxuria atque avaritia cum superbia invasere; rapere, consumere, sua parvi pendere, aliena cupere, pudorem, pudicitiam, divina atque humana promiscua, nihil pensi neque moderati habere. Operae pretium est,[78] quum domos atque villas cognoveris in urbium modum exaedificatas, visere templa deorum, quae nostri majores, religiosissimi mortales, fecere. Verum illi delubra deorum pietate, domos suas gloria decorabant, neque victis quidquam praeter injuriae licentiam eripiebant.[79] At hi contra ignavissimi homines per summum scelus omnia ea sociis adimere, quae fortissimi viri victores reliquerant; proinde quasi injuriam facere id demum esset imperio uti.

13. Nam quid ea memorem, quae nisi his qui videre nemini credibilia sunt, a privatis compluribus subversos montes, maria constructa[80] esse. Quibus mihi videntur ludibrio fuisse divitiae; quippe quas honeste habere licebat, abuti per turpitudinem properabant. Sed libido stupri, ganeae ceterique cultus[81] non minor incesserat; viri muliebria pati, mulieres pudicitiam in propatulo habere; vescendi causa terra marique omnia exquirere, dormire prius quam somni cupido esset, non famem aut sitim neque frigus neque lassitudinem opperiri, sed ea omnia luxu antecapere. Haec juventutem, ubi familiares opes defecerant, ad facinora incendebant. Animus imbutus malis artibus haud facile libidinibus carebat; eo profusius omnibus modis quaestui atque sumptui[82] deditus erat.

14. In tanta tamque corrupta civitate Catilina, id quod factu facillimum erat, omnium flagitiorum atque facinorum circum se tamquam stipatorum catervas habebat.[83] Nam quicunque impudicus, adulter, ganeo manu,[84] ventre, pene bona patria laceraverat, quique alienum aes grande conflaverat, quo flagitium aut facinus redimeret, praeterea omnes undique parricidae, sacrilegi, convicti judiciis aut pro factis judicium timentes, ad hoc quos manus atque lingua perjurio aut sanguine civili alebat, postremo omnes, quos flagitium, egestas, conscius animus exagitabat: hi Catilinae proximi familiaresque erant. Quodsi quis etiam a culpa vacuus in amicitiam ejus inciderat, cotidiano usu atque illecebris facile par similisque ceteris efficiebatur. Sed maxime adolescentium familiaritates appetebat; eorum animi molles et aetate fluxi dolis haud difficulter[85] capiebantur. Nam ut cujusque studium ex aetate[86] flagrabat, aliis scorta praebere, aliis canes atque equos mercari, postremo neque sumptui neque modestiae suae parcere, dum[87] illos obnoxios fidosque sibi faceret. Scio fuisse nonnullos qui ita existimarent, juventutem, quae domum Catilinae frequentabat, parum honeste pudicitiam habuisse; sed ex aliis rebus magis quam quod cuiquam id compertum foret, haec fama valebat.

15. Jam primum adolescens Catilina multa nefanda stupra fecerat, cum virgine nobili, cum sacerdote Vestae, alia hujuscemodi contra jus fasque. Postremo captus amore Aureliae Orestillae cujus praeter formam nihil unquam bonus laudavit, quod ea nubere illi dubitabat, timens privignum adulta aetate, pro certo creditur necato filio vacuam domum scelestis nuptiis fecisse.[88] Quae quidem res mihi in primis videtur causa fuisse facinoris maturandi. Namque animus impurus, dis hominibusque infestus, neque vigiliis neque quietibus sedari poterat; ita conscientia mentem excitam vastabat.[89] Igitur color exsanguis, foedi oculi, citus modo, modo tardus incessus; prorsus in facie vultuque vecordia inerat.

16. Sed juventutem, quam, ut supra diximus, illexerat, multis modis mala facinora edocebat. Ex illis testes signatoresque falsos commodare; fidem, fortunas, pericula vilia habere, post, ubi eorum famam atque pudorem attriverat, majora alia imperabat; si causa peccandi in praesens minus suppetebat, nihilo minus insontes sicuti sontes circumvenire, jugulare; scilicet, ne per otium torpescerent manus aut animus, gratuito[90] potius malus atque crudelis erat.

His amicis sociisque confisus Catilina, simul quod aes alienum per omnes terras ingens erat, et quod plerique Sullani milites,[91] largius suo usi, rapinarum et victoriae veteris memores civile bellum exoptabant, opprimundae rei publicae consilium cepit. In Italia nullus exercitus; Gn.[92] Pompeius in extremis terris bellum gerebat; ipsi consulatum petenti magna spes; senatus nihil sane intentus;[93] tutae tranquillaeque res omnes: sed ea prorsus opportuna Catilinae.

17. Igitur, circiter Kalendas Junias, L. Caesare et G. Figulo consulibus,[94] primo singulos appellare, hortari alios, alios temptare; opes suas, imparatam rem publicam, magna praemia conjurationis docere. Ubi satis explorata sunt quae voluit, in unum omnes convocat, quibus maxima necessitudo[95] et plurimum audaciae inerat. Eo convenere senatorii ordinis P. Lentulus Sura, P. Autronius, L. Cassius Longinus, G. Cethegus, P. et Servius Sullae, Servii filii, L. Vargunteius, Q. Annius, M. Porcius Laeca, L. Bestia, Q. Curius; praeterea ex equestri ordine M. Fulvius Nobilior, L. Statilius, P. Gabinius Capito, G. Cornelius; ad hoc multi ex coloniis et municipiis, domi nobiles. Erant praeterea complures[96] paulo occultius concilii hujusce participes nobiles, quos magis dominationis spes hortabatur quam inopia aut aliqua necessitudo. Ceterum juventus pleraque,[97] sed maxime nobilium, Catilinae inceptis favebat; quibus in otio vel magnifice vel molliter vivere copia erat, incerta pro certis, bellum quam pacem malebant. Fuere item ea tempestate[98] qui crederent M. Licinium Crassum[99] non ignarum ejus consilii fuisse; quia Gn. Pompeius invisus ipsi magnum exercitum ductabat, cujusvis opes voluisse contra illius potentiam crescere, simul confisum, si conjuratio valuisset, facile apud illos principem se fore.

18. Sed antea[100] item conjuravere pauci contra rem publicam, in quibus Catilina fuit; de qua[101] quam verissime potero, dicam. L. Tullo et M. Lepido consulibus,[102] P. Autronius et P. Sulla designati consules, legibus ambitus interrogati[103] poenas dederant. Post paulo[104] Catilina, pecuniarum repetundarum reus,[105] prohibitus erat consulatum petere, quod intra legitimos dies profiteri[106] nequiverat. Erat eodem tempore Gn. Piso, adolescens nobilis, summae audaciae, egens, factiosus, quem ad perturbandam rem publicam inopia atque mali mores stimulabant. Cum hoc Catilina et Autronius circiter Nonas Decembres consilio communicato parabant in Capitolio Kalendis Januariis L. Cottam et L. Torquatum consules[107] interficere, ipsi fascibus correptis Pisonem cum exercitu ad obtinendas duas Hispanias[108] mittere. Ea re cognita, rursus in Nonas Februarias consilium caedis transtulerant. Jam tum non consulibus modo, sed plerisque senatoribus perniciem machinabantur. Quodni[109] Catilina maturasset pro curia signum sociis dare, eo die post conditam urbem Romam pessimum facinus patratum foret. Quia nondum frequentes armati convenerant, ea res consilium diremit.

19. Postea Piso in citeriorem Hispaniam quaestor pro praetore[110] missus est, adnitente Crasso, quod eum infestum inimicum Gn. Pompeio cognoverat. Neque tamen senatus provinciam invitus dederat; quippe foedum hominem a re publica procul esse volebat; simul quia boni complures praesidium in eo putabant, et jam tum potentia Pompeii formidolosa erat. Sed is Piso in provincia ab equitibus Hispanis, quos in exercitu ductabat, iter faciens occisus est. Sunt qui ita dicunt,[111] imperia ejus injusta, superba, crudelia barbaros nequivisse pati; alii autem equites illos Gn. Pompeii veteres fidosque clientes voluntate ejus Pisonem aggressos; numquam Hispanos praeterea tale facinus fecisse, sed imperia saeva multa ante perpessos. Nos eam rem in medio relinquemus. De superiore conjuratione satis dictum.

20. Catilina,[112] ubi eos, quos paulo ante memoravi, convenisse videt, tametsi cum singulis multa saepe egerat, tamen in rem fore credens universos appellare et cohortari, in abditam partem aedium secedit, atque ibi, omnibus arbitris procul amotis, orationem hujuscemodi habuit. ‘Ni virtus fidesque vestra spectata mihi forent, nequidquam opportuna res cecidisset; spes magna, dominatio in manibus frustra fuissent. Neque ego per ignaviam[113] aut vana ingenia incerta pro certis captarem. Sed quia multis et magnis tempestatibus vos cognovi fortes fidosque mihi, eo animus ausus est maximum atque pulcherrimum facinus incipere, simul quia vobis eadem quae mihi bona malaque esse intellexi; nam idem velle atque idem nolle, ea demum firma amicitia est. Sed ego quae mente agitavi omnes jam antea diversi[114] audistis. Ceterum mihi in dies magis animus accenditur, quum considero, quae condicio vitae futura sit, nisi nosmet ipsi vindicamus in libertatem. Nam postquam res publica in paucorum potentium jus atque dicionem concessit, semper illis reges, tetrarchae[115] vectigales esse, populi, nationes stipendia pendere; ceteri omnes, strenui, boni, nobiles atque ignobiles vulgus fuimus sine gratia, sine auctoritate, iis obnoxii, quibus, si res publica valeret, formidini essemus. Itaque omnis gratia, potentia, honos, divitiae apud illos sunt, aut ubi illi volunt; nobis reliquere pericula repulsas, judicia, egestatem. Quae quousque tandem patiemini fortissimi viri? Nonne emori per virtutem praestat quam vitam miseram atque inhonestam, ubi alienae superbiae ludibrio fueris, per dedecus amittere? Verum enimvero pro deum atque hominum fidem[116] victoria in manu nobis est, viget aetas, animus valet; contra illis annis atque divitiis omnia consenuerunt. Tantummodo incepto opus est; cetera res expediet. Etenim quis mortalium cui virile ingenium est, tolerare potest, illis divitias superare,[117] quas profundant in extruendo mari et montibus coaequandis, nobis rem familiarem etiam ad necessaria deesse? illos binas aut amplius domos continuare, nobis larem familiarem[118] nusquam ullum esse? Quum tabulas, signa, toreumata[119] emunt, nova diruunt, alia aedificant, postremo omnibus modis pecuniam trahunt, vexant, tamen summa libidine divitias vincere[120] nequeunt. At nobis est domi inopia, foris aes alienum, mala res, spes multo asperior; denique quid reliqui habemus praeter miseram animam? Quin[121] igitur expergiscimini? En[122] illa, illa, quam saepe optastis, libertas, praeterea divitiae, decus, gloria in oculis sita sunt. Fortuna omnia ea victoribus praemia posuit. Res, tempus, pericula, egestas, belli spolia magnifica magis quam oratio mea vos hortentur. Vel imperatore vel milite me utimini; neque animus neque corpus a vobis aberit. Haec ipsa, ut spero, vobiscum una consul agam, nisi forte me animus fallit, et vos servire magis quam imperare parati estis.’

21. Postquam accepere ea homines, quibus mala abunde omnia erant, sed neque res neque spes bona ulla, tametsi illis quieta movere magna merces videbatur, tamen postulavere plerique, uti proponeret, quae condicio belli foret, quae praemia armis peterent, quid ubique opis aut spei haberent. Tum Catilina polliceri tabulas novas,[123] proscriptionem locupletium, magistratus, sacerdotia, rapinas, alia omnia, quae bellum atque libido victorum fert. Praeterea esse in Hispania citeriore Pisonem, in Mauretania cum exercitu P. Sittium Nucerinum, consilii sui participes; petere consulatum G. Antonium, quem sibi collegam fore speraret, hominem et familiarem et omnibus necessitudinibus circumventum; cum eo se consulem[124] initium agendi facturum. Ad hoc maledictis increpat omnes bonos, suorum unum quemque nominans laudare; admonebat alium egestatis, alium cupiditatis suae, complures periculi aut ignominiae,[125] multos victoriae Sullanae, quibus ea praedae fuerat. Postquam omnium animos alacres videt, cohortatus, ut petitionem suam curae haberent, conventum dimisit.

22. Fuere ea tempestate qui dicerent, Catilinam, oratione habita, quum ad jusjurandum populares[126] sceleris sui adigeret, humani corporis sanguinem vino permixtum in pateris circumtulisse; inde quum post execrationem omnes degustavissent, sicuti in sollemnibus sacris fieri consuevit, aperuisse consilium suum, atque eo dictitare[127] fecisse, quo inter se magis fidi forent, alius alii tanti facinoris conscii. Nonnulli ficta et haec et multa praeterea existimabant ab iis, qui Ciceronis invidiam, quae postea orta est, leniri credebant atrocitate sceleris eorum, qui poenas dederant. Nobis ea res pro magnitudine parum comperta est.

23. Sed in ea conjuratione fuit Q. Curius, natus haud obscuro loco, flagitiis atque facinoribus coopertus, quera censores senatu probri gratia moverant. Huic homini non minor vanitas inerat quam audacia; neque reticere, quae audierat, neque suamet[128] ipse scelera occultare, prorsus neque dicere neque facere quidquam pensi habebat. Erat ei cum Fulvia, muliere nobili, stupri[129] vetus consuetudo; cui quum minus gratus esset, quia inopia minus largiri poterat, repente glorians maria montesque polliceri coepit et minari interdum ferro, ni sibi obnoxia foret, postremo ferocius agitare[130] quam solitus erat. At Fulvia, insolentiae Curii causa cognita, tale periculum rei publicae haud occultum habuit, sed sublato auctore[131] de Catilinae conjuratione quae quoque modo audierat compluribus narravit. Ea res in primis studia hominum accendit ad consulatum mandandum M. Tullio Ciceroni. Namque antea pleraque nobilitas invidia aestuabat,[132] et quasi pollui consulatum credebant, si eum quamvis egregius homo novus[133] adeptus foret. Sed ubi periculum advenit, invidia atque superbia post fuere.[134]

24. Igitur comitiis habitis consules declarantur M. Tullius et G. Antonius, quod factum primo populares conjurationis concusserat.[135] Neque tamen Catilinae furor minuebatur, sed in dies plura agitare, arma per Italiam locis opportunis parare, pecuniam sua aut amicorum fide sumptam mutuam Faesulas[136] ad Manlium quendam portare,[137] qui postea princeps fuit belli faciundi. Ea tempestate plurimos cujusque generis homines adscivisse sibi dicitur, mulieres etiam aliquot, quae primo ingentes sumptus[138] stupro corporis toleraverant, post ubi aetas tantummodo quaestui neque luxuriae modum fecerat, aes alienum grande conflaverant. Per eas se Catilina credebat posse servitia urbana sollicitare, urbem incendere, viros earum vel adjungere sibi vel interficere.

25. Sed in his erat Sempronia, quae multa saepe virilis audaciae facinora commiserat. Haec mulier genere atque forma, praeterea viro, liberis satis fortunata fuit; litteris Graecis et Latinis docta, psallere, saltare elegantius, quam necesse est probae, multa alia, quae instrumenta luxuriae sunt. Sed ei cariora semper omnia quam decus atque pudicitia fuit; pecuniae an famae minus parceret, haud facile discerneres;[139] libidine sic accensa, ut saepius peteret viros quam peteretur. Sed ea saepe antehac fidem prodiderat, creditum abjuraverat, caedis conscia fuerat, luxuria atque inopia praeceps[140] abierat. Verum ingenium ejus haud absurdum; posse versus facere, jocum movere, sermone uti vel modesto vel molli vel procaci; prorsus multae facetiae multusque lepos inerat.

26. His rebus comparatis Catilina nihilo minus in proximum annum[141] consulatum petebat, sperans, si designatus foret, facile se ex voluntate Antonio usurum. Neque interea quietus erat, sed omnibus modis insidias parabat Ciceroni. Neque illi tamen ad cavendum dolus aut astutiae deerant. Namque a principio consulatus sui multa pollicendo per Fulviam effecerat, ut Q. Curius, de quo paulo ante memoravi, consilia Catilinae sibi proderet. Ad hoc[142] collegam suum Antonium pactione provinciae[143] perpulerat, ne contra rem publicam sentiret; circum se praesidia amicorum atque clientium occulte habebat. Postquam dies comitiorum venit, et Catilinae neque petitio neque insidiae, quas consuli in Campo[144] fecerat, prospere cessere, constituit bellum facere et extrema omnia experiri, quoniam quae occulte temptaverat aspera foedaque[145] evenerant.

27. Igitur G. Manlium Faesulas atque in eam partem Etruriae, Septimium quendam Camertem[146] in agrum Picenum, G. Julium in Apuliam dimisit; praeterea alium alio, quem ubique opportunum sibi fore credebat. Interea Romae multa simul moliri, consuli insidias tendere, parare incendia, opportuna loca armatis hominibus obsidere, ipse cum telo esse, item alios jubere, hortari; uti semper intenti paratique essent, dies noctesque festinare, vigilare, neque insomniis neque labore fatigari. Postremo ubi multa agitanti nihil procedit, rursus intempesta nocte conjurationis principes convocat per M. Porcium Laecam, ibique multa de ignavia eorum questus, docet se Manlium praemisisse ad eam multitudinem, quam ad capiunda arma paraverat, item alios in alia loca opportuna, qui initium belli facerent, seque ad exercitum proficisci cupere, si prius Ciceronem oppressisset; eum suis consiliis multum officere.

28. Igitur perterritis ac dubitantibus ceteris, G. Cornelius eques Romanus operam suam pollicitus, et cum eo L. Vargunteius senator constituere ea nocte paulo post cum armatis hominibus sicuti salutatum[147] introire ad Ciceronem ac de improviso domi suae imparatum confodere. Curius ubi intellegit,[148] quantum periculum consuli impendeat, propere per Fulviam Ciceroni dolum, qui parabatur, enuntiat. Ita illi janua prohibiti tantum facinus frustra susceperant. Interea Manlius in Etruria plebem sollicitare, egestate simul ac dolore injuriae novarum rerum cupidam, quod Sullae dominatione agros bonaque omnia amiserat, praeterea latrones cujusque generis, quorum in ea regione magna copia erat, nonnullos ex Sullanis colonis, quibus libido atque luxuria ex magnis rapinis nihil reliqui fecerant.

29. Ea quum Ciceroni nuntiarentur, ancipiti malo permotus, quod neque urbem ab insidiis privato consilio longius tueri poterat, neque exercitus Manlii quantus aut quo consilio foret satis compertum habebat, rem ad senatum refert, jam antea vulgi rumoribus exagitatam.[149] Itaque, quod plerumque in atroci negotio solet; senatus decrevit,[150] darent operam consules, ne quid res publica detrimenti caperet. Ea potestas per senatum more Romano magistratui maxima permittitur, exercitum parare,[151] bellum gerere, coërcere omnibus modis socios atque cives, domi militiaeque imperium atque judicium summum habere; aliter sine populi jussu nulli earum rerum consuli jus est.

30. Post paucos dies L. Saenius senator in senatu litteras recitavit, quas Faesulis allatas sibi dicebat, in quibus scriptum erat, G. Manlium arma cepisse cum magna multitudine ante diem VI. Kalendas Novembres.[152] Simul, id quod in tali re solet, alii portenta atque prodigia[153] nuntiabant, alii conventus fieri, arma portari, Capuae atque in Apulia servile bellum moveri. Igitur senati[154] decreto Q. Marcius Rex Faesulas, Q. Metellus Creticus in Apuliam circumque ea loca missi; hi utrique[155] ad urbem imperatores erant,[156] impediti ne triumpharent calumnia paucorum, quibus omnia honesta atque inhonesta vendere mos erat.[157] Sed praetores Q. Pompeius Rufus Capuam, Q. Metellus Celer in agrum Picenum,[158] hisque permissum, uti pro tempore atque periculo exercitum compararent. Ad hoc, si quis indicavisset de conjuratione, quae contra rem publicam facta erat, praemium servo libertatem et sestertia centum,[159] libero impunitatem ejus rei et sestertia ducenta; itemque decrevere, uti gladiatoriae familiae Capuam et in cetera municipia distribuerentur pro cujusque opibus,[160] Romae per totam urbem vigiliae haberentur, iisque minores magistratus[161] praeessent.

31. Quibus rebus permota civitas atque immutata urbis facies erat; ex summa laetitia atque lascivia, quae diuturna quies pepererat, repente omnes tristitia invasit; festinare, trepidare, neque loco neque homini cuiquam satis credere, neque bellum gerere, neque pacem habere, suo quisque metu pericula metiri. Ad hoc mulieres, quibus[162] rei publicae magnitudine belli timor insolitus incesserat, afflictare sese,[163] manus supplices ad coelum tendere, miserari parvos liberos, rogitare, omnia pavere, superbia atque deliciis omissis sibi patriaeque diffidere. At Catilinae crudelis animus eadem illa movebat, tametsi praesidia parabantur et ipse lege Plautia[164] interrogatus erat ab L. Paullo. Postremo dissimulandi causa aut sui expurgandi, sicuti[165] jurgio lacessitus foret, in senatum venit. Tum M. Tullius consul, sive praesentiam ejus timens sive ira commotus, orationem habuit luculentam atque utilem rei publicae, quam postea scriptam edidit.[166] Sed ubi ille assedit,[167] Catilina, ut erat paratus ad dissimulanda omnia, demisso vultu, voce supplici postulare, ‘Patres conscripti ne quid de se temere crederent; ea familia ortum, ita se ab adolescentia vitam instituisse, ut omnia bona in spe haberet; ne existimarent, sibi, patricio homini, cujus ipsius atque majorum plurima beneficia in plebem Romanam essent, perdita re publica opus esse, quum eam servaret M. Tullius, inquilinus civis urbis Romae.’[168] Ad hoc maledicta alia quum adderet, obstrepere omnes, hostem atque parricidam vocare. Tum ille furibundus: ‘Quoniam quidem circumventus, inquit, ab inimicis praeceps agor, incendium meum ruina restinguam.’

32. Dein se ex curia domum proripuit; ibi multa ipse secum volvens, quod neque insidiae consuli procedebant et ab incendio intellegebat urbem vigiliis munitam, optimum factu credens exercitum augere ac prius quam legiones scriberentur, antecapere quae bello usui forent, nocte intempesta cum paucis in Manliana castra profectus est. Sed Cethego atque Lentulo ceterisque, quorum cognoverat promptam audaciam, mandat, quibus rebus possent opes factionis confirment, insidias consuli maturent, caedem, incendia aliaque belli facinora parent; sese propediem cum magno exercitu ad urbem accessurum. Dum haec Romae geruntur, G. Manlius ex suo numero legatos ad Marcium Regem mittit cum mandatis hujuscemodi:

33. ‘Deos hominesque testamur, imperator, nos arma neque contra patriam cepisse, neque quo periculum aliis faceremus, sed uti corpora nostra ab injuria tuta forent, qui miseri, egentes, violentia atque crudelitate feneratorum plerique patriae, sed omnes fama atque fortunis[169] expertes sumus; neque cuiquam nostrum licuit more majorum lege uti,[170] neque amisso patrimonio liberum corpus habere, tanta saevitia feneratorum atque praetoris fuit. Saepe majores vestrum[171] miseriti plebis Romanae, decretis suis inopiae ejus opitulati sunt; ac novissime memoria nostra, propter magnitudinem aeris alieni, volentibus omnibus bonis, argentum aere solutum est.[172] Saepe ipsa plebes, aut dominandi studio permota, aut superbia magistratuum, armata a patribus secessit. At nos non imperium neque divitias petimus, quarum rerum causa bella atque certamina omnia inter mortales sunt, sed libertatem, quam nemo bonus nisi cum anima simul amittit.[173] Te atque senatum obtestamur, consulatis miseris civibus, legis praesidium, quod iniquitas praetoris eripuit, restituatis; neve nobis eam necessitudinem imponatis, ut quaeramus, quonam modo maxime ulti sanguinem nostrum pereamus.’

34. Ad haec Q. Marcius respondit: ‘Si quid ab senatu petere vellent, ab armis discedant, Romam supplices proficiscantur; ea mansuetudine atque misericordia senatum populumque Romanum semper fuisse, ut nemo unquam ab eo frustra auxilium petiverit.’ At Catilina ex itinere plerisque consularibus, praeterea optimo cuique, litteras mittit: ‘Se falsis criminibus circumventum, quoniam factioni inimicorum resistere nequiverit, fortunae cedere, Massiliam[174] in exilium proficisci: non quo sibi tanti sceleris conscius esset, sed uti res publica quieta foret, neve ex sua contentione seditio oriretur.’ Ab his longe diversas litteras Q. Catulus in senatu recitavit, quas sibi nomine Catilinae redditas dicebat; earum exemplum infra scriptum est:

35. ‘L. Catilina Q. Catulo. Egregia tua fides re cognita, grata mihi, in magnis meis periculis fiduciam commendationi meae tribuit. Quamobrem defensionem in novo consilio non statui parare, satisfactionem ex nulla conscientia de culpa proponere decrevi,[175] quam mediusfidius[176] veram licet cognoscas. Injuriis contumeliisque concitatus, quod fructu laboris industriaeque meae privatus statum dignitatis non obtinebam,[177] publicam miserorum causam pro mea consuetudine suscepi, non quin aes alienum meis nominibus ex possessionibus solvere possem, quum et alienis nominibus liberalitas Orestillae suis filiaeque copiis persolveret;[178] sed quod non dignos homines honore honestatos videbam, meque falsa suspicione alienatum esse sentiebam.[179] Hoc nomine[180] satis honestas pro meo casu spes reliquae dignitatis conservandae sum secutus. Plura quum scribere vellem, nuntiatum est vim mihi parari.[181] Nunc Orestillam commendo tuaeque fidei trado: eam ab injuria defendas per liberos tuos rogatus. Haveto.’[182]

36. Sed ipse paucos dies commoratus apud G. Flaminium in agro Arretino,[183] dum vicinitatem antea sollicitatam armis exornat, cum fascibus atque aliis imperii insignibus in castra ad Manlium contendit. Haec ubi Romae comperta sunt, senatus Catilinam et Manlium hostes judicat; ceterae multitudini diem statuit, ante quam sine fraude[184] liceret ab armis discedere praeter[185] rerum capitalium condemnatis. Praeterea decernit, uti consules delectum habeant, Antonius cum exercitu Catilinam persequi maturet, Cicero urbi praesidio sit. Ea tempestate mihi imperium populi Romani multo maxime miserabile visum est, cui quum ad occasum ab ortu solis omnia domita armis parerent, domi otium atque divitiae, quae prima mortales putant, affluerent, fuere tamen cives, qui seque remque publicam obstinatis animis perditum irent.[186] Namque duobus senati decretis ex tanta multitudine neque praemio inductus conjurationem patefecerat neque ex castris Catilinae quisquam omnium discesserat; tanta vis morbi uti tabes plerosque civium animos invaserat.

37. Neque solum illis aliena[187] mens erat, qui conscii conjurationis fuerant, sed omnino cuncta plebes novarum rerum studio Catilinae incepta probabat. Id adeo[188] more suo videbatur facere. Nam semper in civitate, quibus opes nullae sunt, bonis[189] invident, malos extollunt, vetera odere, nova exoptant, odio suarum rerum mutari omnia student, turba atque seditionibus sine cura aluntur; quoniam egestas facile habetur[190] sine damno. Sed urbana plebes, ea vero[191] praeceps ierat multis de causis. Primum omnium, qui ubique probro atque petulantia maxime praestabant, item alii per dedecora patrimoniis amissis, postremo omnes, quos flagitium aut facinus domo expulerat, ii Romam sicut in sentinam[192] confluxerant. Deinde multi memores Sullanae victoriae, quod ex gregariis militibus alios senatores videbant, alios ita divites, ut regio victu atque cultu aetatem agerent, sibi quisque, si in armis foret, ex victoria talia sperabat. Praeterea juventus, quae in agris manuum mercede inopiam toleraverat, privatis atque publicis largitionibus excita[193] urbanum otium ingrato labori praetulerat; eos atque alios omnes malum publicum alebat. Quo minus mirandum est homines egentes, malis moribus, maxima spe, rei publicae juxta ac sibi consuluisse.[194] Praeterea quorum,[195] victoria Sullae parentes proscripti, bona erepta, jus libertatis imminutum erat, haud sane alio animo belli eventum expectabant. Ad hoc quicunque aliarum atque senatus partium erant, conturbari rem publicam quam minus valere ipsi malebant. Id adeo malum multos post annos in civitatem reverterat.

38. Nam postquam Gn. Pompeio et M. Crasso consulibus[196] tribunicia potestas restituta est, homines adolescentes summam potestatem nacti, quibus aetas animusque ferox erat, coepere senatum criminando plebem exagitare, dein largiundo atque pollicitando magis incendere; ita ipsi clari potentesque fieri. Contra eos summa ope nitebatur pleraque nobilitas senatus specie[197] pro sua magnitudine. Namque uti paucis verum absolvam, post illa tempora quicunque rem publicam agitavere, honestis nominibus, alii sicuti populi jura defenderent, pars quo[198] senatus auctoritas maxima foret, bonum publicum simulantes, pro sua quisque potentia certabant; neque illis modestia neque modus contentionis erat; utrique victoriam crudeliter exercebant.

39. Sed postquam Gn. Pompeius ad bellum maritimum atque Mithridaticum missus est, plebis opes imminutae, paucorum potentia crevit. Hi magistratus, provincias, aliaque omnia tenere, ipsi innoxii,[199] florentes, sine metu aetatem agere, ceteros judiciis terrere, quo plebem in magistratu placidius tractarent.[200] Sed ubi primum dubiis rebus[201] novandi spes oblata est, vetus certamen animos eorum arrexit. Quodsi primo proelio Catilina superior aut aequa manu discessisset, profecto magna clades atque calamitas rem publicam oppressisset; neque illis, qui victoriam adepti forent, diutius ea uti licuisset, quin defessis et exsanguibus qui plus posset imperium atque libertatem extorqueret.[202] Fuere tamen extra conjurationem complures, qui ad Catilinam initio profecti sunt; in his erat A. Fulvius, senatoris filius, quem retractum ex itinere parens necari jussit. Iisdem temporibus Romae Lentulus, sicuti Catilina praeceperat, quoscunque moribus aut fortuna novis rebus idoneos credebat, aut per se aut per alios sollicitabat, neque solum cives, sed cujusque modi genus hominum, quod modo bello usui foret.

40. Igitur P. Umbreno cuidam negotium dat, uti legatos Allobrogum[203] requirat eosque, si possit, impellat ad societatem belli, existimans publice privatimque aere alieno oppressos, praeterea, quod natura gens Gallica bellicosa esset, facile eos ad tale consilium adduci posse. Umbrenus, quod in Gallia negotiatus erat, plerisque principibus civitatium notus erat atque eos noverat; itaque sine mora, ubi primum legatos in foro conspexit, percontatus pauca de statu civitatis, et quasi dolens ejus casum, requirere coepit, quem exitum tantis malis sperarent. Postquam illos videt queri de avaritia magistratuum, accusare senatum, quod in eo auxilii nihil esset, miseriis suis remedium mortem expectare: ‘At ego, inquit, vobis, si modo viri esse vultis, rationem ostendam, qua tanta ista mala effugiatis.’ Haec ubi dixit, Allobroges in maximam spem adducti Umbrenum orare, ut sui misereretur; nihil tam asperum neque tam difficile esse, quod non cupidissime facturi essent, dum ea res civitatem aere alieno liberaret. Ille eos in domum, D. Bruti perducit, quod foro propinqua erat neque aliena consilii[204] propter Semproniam; nam tum Brutus ab Roma aberat. Praeterea Gabinium accersit,[205] quo major auctoritas sermoni inesset. Eo praesente conjurationem aperit, nominat socios, praeterea multos cujusque generis innoxios, quo legatis animus amplior[206] esset; deinde eos pollicitos operam suam domum dimittit.

41. Sed Allobroges diu in incerto habuere, quidnam consilii caperent. In altera parte erat aes alienum, studium belli, magna merces in spe victoriae, at in altera majores opes, tuta consilia, pro incerta spe certa praemia. Haec illis volventibus, tandem vicit fortuna rei publicae. Itaque Q. Fabio Sangae, cujus patrocinio civitas plurimum utebatur, rem omnem, uti cognoverant, aperiunt. Cicero, per Sangam consilio cognito, legatis praecepit, ut studium conjurationis vehementer simulent, ceteros adeant, bene polliceantur, dentque operam, uti eos quam maxime manifestos habeant.[207]

42. Iisdem fere temporibus in Gallia citeriore atque ulteriore,[208] item in agro Piceno, Bruttio,[209] Apulia motus erat. Namque illi, quos ante Catilina dimiserat, inconsulte ac veluti per dementiam cuncta simul agebant; nocturnis consiliis, armorum atque telorum portationibus, festinando, agitando omnia, plus timoris quam periculi effecerant. Ex eo numero complures Q. Metellus Celer praetor ex senati consulto, causa cognita, in vincula conjecerat; item in ulteriore Gallia G. Murena, qui ei provinciae legatus[210] praeerat.

43. At Romae Lentulus cum ceteris, qui principes conjurationis erant, paratis, ut videbatur, magnis copiis, constituerant, uti quum Catilina in agrum Faesulanum cum exercitu venisset. L. Bestia tribunus plebis contione habita quereretur de actionibus Ciceronis, bellique gravissimi invidiam optimo consuli imponeret; eo signo[211] proxima nocte cetera multitudo conjurationis suum quisque negotium exequeretur. Sed[212] ea divisa hoc modo dicebantur: Statilius et Gabinius uti cum magna manu duodecim simul opportuna loca urbis incenderent, quo tumultu facilior aditus ad consulem ceterosque, quibus insidiae parabantur, fieret; Cethegus Ciceronis januam obsideret eumque vi aggrederetur, alius autem alium; sed filii[213] familiarum, quorum ex nobilitate maxima pars erat, parentes interficerent, simul caede et incendio perculsis omnibus, ad Catilinam erumperent. Inter haec parata atque decreta[214] Cethegus semper querebatur de ignavia sociorum; illos dubitando et dies prolatando magnas opportunitates corrumpere, facto, non consulto, in tali periculo opus esse, seque, si pauci adjuvarent, languentibus aliis, impetum in curiam facturum. Natura ferox, vehemens, manu promptus erat; maximum bonum in celeritate putabat.

44. Sed Allobroges ex praecepto Ciceronis per Gabinium ceteros conveniunt;[215] ab Lentulo, Cethego, Statilio, item Cassio postulant jusjurandum, quod signatum ad cives perferant; aliter haud facile eos ad tantum negotium impelli posse. Ceteri nihil suspicantes dant; Cassius semet eo brevi venturum pollicetur ac paulo ante legates ex urbe proficiscitur. Lentulus cum his T. Volturcium quendam Crotoniensem mittit, ut Allobroges prins quam domum pergerent, cum Catilina data atque accepta fide societatem confirmarent. Ipse Volturcio litteras ad Catilinam dat, quarum exemplum infra scriptum est: ‘Qui[216] sim ex eo, quem ad te misi, cognosces. Fac cogites, in quanta calamitate sis, et memineris te virum esse; consideres, quid tuae rationes postulent; auxilium petas ab omnibus, etiam ab infimis.’[217] Ad hoc mandata verbis dat: ‘Quum ab senatu hostis judicatus sit, quo consilio servitia repudiet? in urbe parata esse, quae jusserit; ne cunctetur ipse propius accedere.’

45. His rebus ita actis, constituta nocte, qua proficiscerentur, Cicero per legates cuncta edoctus,[218] L. Valerio Flacco et G. Pomptinio praetoribus imperat, ut in ponte Mulvio[219] per insidias Allobrogum comitatus deprehendant; rem omnem aperit, cujus gratia mittebantur, cetera, uti facto opus sit, ita agant, permittit. Illi, homines militares, sine tumultu praesidiis collocatis, sicuti praeceptum erat, occulte pontem obsidunt.[220] Postquam ad id loci[221] legati cum Volturcio venerunt et simul utrimque clamor exortus est, Galli, cito cognito consilio, sine mora praetoribus se tradunt. Volturcius primo, cohortatus ceteros, gladio se a multitudine defendit, deinde ubi a legatis desertus est, multa prius de salute sua Pomptinium obtestatus, quod ei notus erat, postremo timidus ac vitae diffidens velut hostibus[222] sese praetoribus dedit.

46. Quibus rebus confectis, omnia propere per nuntios consuli declarantur. At ilium ingens cura atque laetitia simul occupavere; nam laetabatur intellegens conjuratione patefacta civitatem periculis ereptam esse, porro autem anxius erat, dubitans, in maximo scelere tantis civibus deprehensis, quid facto opus esset; poenam illorum sibi oneri, impunitatem perdundae rei publicae[223] fore credebat. Igitur confirmato animo vocari ad sese jubet Lentulum, Cethegum, Statilium, Gabinium, item quendam Caeparium Tarracinensem, qui in Apuliam ad concitanda servitia proficisci parabat. Ceteri sine mora veniunt: Caeparius paulo ante domo egressus cognito indicio ex urbe profugerat. Consul Lentulum, quod praetor erat, ipse manu tenens in senatum[224] perducit; reliquos cum custodibus in aedem Concordiae venire jubet. Eo senatum advocat, magnaque frequentia ejus ordinis, Volturcium cum legatis introducit, Flaccum praetorem scrinium cum litteris, quas a legatis acceperat, eodem afferre jubet.

47. Volturcius interrogatus de itinere, de litteris, postremo quid aut qua de causa consilii habuisset, primo fingere alia, dissimulare de conjuratione; post, ubi fide publica dicere jussus est,[225] omnia, uti gesta erant, aperit docetque se paucis ante diebus a Gabinio et Caepario socium ascitum nihil amplius scire quam legatos; tantummodo audire solitum ex Gabinio, P. Autronium, Ser. Sullam, L. Vargunteium, multos praeterea in ea conjuratione esse. Eadem Galli fatentur ac Lentulum dissimulantem coarguunt praeter litteras sermonibus, quos ille habere solitus erat; ex libris Sibyllinis[226] regnum Romae tribus Corneliis portendi; Cinnam atque Sullam antea, se tertium esse, cui fatum foret urbis potiri;[227] praeterea ab incenso Capitolio illum esse vigesimum annum, quem saepe ex prodigiis haruspices[228] respondissent bello civili cruentum fore. Igitur perlectis litteris, quum prius omnes signa sua cognovissent, senatus decernit, uti abdicato magistratu Lentulus, itemque ceteri in liberis custodiis[229] habeantur. Itaque Lentulus P. Lentulo Spintheri, qui tum aedilis erat, Cethegus Q. Cornificio, Statilius G. Caesari, Gabinius M. Crasso, Caeparius (nam is paulo ante ex fuga retractus erat) Gn. Terentio senatori traduntur.

48. Interea plebes, conjuratione patefacta, quae primo cupida rerum novarum nimis bello favebat, mutata mente Catilinae consilia execrari, Ciceronem ad coelum tollere; veluti ex servitute erepta gaudium atque laetitiam agitabat.[230] Namque alia belli facinora praedae magis quam detrimento fore, incendium vero crudele, immoderatum ac sibi maxime calamitosum putabat, quippe cui omnes copiae in usu cotidiano et cultu corporis erant.[231] Post eum diem quidam L. Tarquinius ad senatum adductus erat, quem ad Catilinam proficiscentem ex itinere retractum ajebant. Is, quum se diceret indicaturum de conjuratione, si fides publica data esset, jussus a consule quae sciret edicere, eadem fere quae Volturcius, de paratis incendiis, de caede bonorum, de itinere hostium senatum docet; praeterea se missum a M. Crasso, qui Catilinae nuntiaret, ne eum Lentulus et Cethegus aliique ex conjuratione deprehensi[232] terrerent, eoque magis properaret ad urbem accedere, quo et ceterorum animos reficeret et illi facilius e periculo eriperentur. Sed ubi Tarquinius Crassum nominavit, hominem nobilem, maximis divitiis, summa potentia, alii rem incredibilem rati, pars tametsi verum existimabant, tamen quia in tali tempore[233] tanta vis hominis magis leniunda quam exagitanda videbatur, plerique Crasso ex negotiis privatis obnoxii conclamant indicem falsum esse, deque ea re postulant uti referatur.[234] Itaque consulente Cicerone frequens senatus decernit, Tarquinii indicium falsum videri, eumque in vinculis retinendum, neque amplius potestatem[235] faciundam, nisi de eo indicaret, cujus consilio tantam rem esset mentitus. Erant eo tempore, qui aestimarent, indicium illud a P. Autronio machinatum, quo facilius appellato Crasso per societatem periculi reliquos illius potentia tegeret. Alii Tarquinium a Cicerone immissum ajebant, ne Crassus more suo suscepto malorum patrocinio rem publicam conturbaret. Ipsum Crassum ego postea praedicantem [236] audivi, tantam illam contumeliam sibi a Cicerone impositam.

49. Sed iisdem temporibus Q. Catulus et C. Piso[237] neque precibus neque gratia neque pretio Ciceronem impellere potuere, uti per Allobroges aut alium indicem C. Caesar falso nominaretur. Nam uterque cum illo graves inimicitias exercebat: Piso oppugnatus in judicio pecuniarum repetundarum propter cujusdam Transpadani supplicium injustum; Catulus ex petitione pontificatus odio incensus, quod extrema aetate, maximis honoribus usus, ab adolescentulo Caesare victus[238] discesserat. Res autem opportuna videbatur, quod is privatim egregia liberalitate, publice maximis muneribus[239] grandem pecuniam debebat. Sed ubi consulem ad tantum facinus impellere nequeunt, ipsi singulatim circumeundo atque ementiundo, quae se ex Volturcio aut Allobrogibus audisse dicerent,[240] magnam illi invidiam conflaverant, usque adeo, ut nonnulli equites Romani, qui praesidii causa eum telis erant circum aedem Concordiae, seu periculi magnitudine seu animi mobilitate[241] impulsi, quo studium suum in rem publicam clarius esset, egredienti ex senatu Caesari gladio minitarentur.

50. Dum haec in senatu aguntur et dum legatis Allobrogum et T. Volturcio, comprobato eorum indicio, praemia decernuntur, liberti et pauci ex clientibus Lentuli diversis itineribus opifices atque servitia in vicis ad eum eripiundum sollicitabant, partim exquirebant duces multitudinum,[242] qui pretio rem publicam vexare soliti erant. Cethegus autem per nuntios familiam atque libertos suos, lectos et exercitatos in audaciam, orabat, ut grege facto cum telis ad sese irrumperent. Consul, ubi ea parari cognovit, dispositis praesidiis, ut res atque tempus monebat, convocato senatu refert, quid de his fieri placeat, qui in custodiam traditi erant. Sed eos paulo ante frequens senatus judicaverat contra rem publicam fecisse.[243] Tum D. Junius Silanus, primus sententiam rogatus,[244] quod eo tempore consul designatus erat, de his, qui in custodiis tenebantur, praeterea de L. Cassio, P. Furio, P. Umbreno, Q. Annio, si deprehensi forent, supplicium sumendum decreverat; isque postea, permotus oratione C. Caesaris, pedibus in sententiam Tib. Neronis iturum[245] se dixerat, quod de ea re praesidiis additis referundum censuerat.[246] Sed Caesar, ubi ad eum ventum est, rogatus sententiam a consule, hujuscemodi verba locutus est:

51. ‘Omnes homines, patres conscripti, qui de rebus dubiis consultant, ab odio, amicitia, ira atque misericordia vacuos esse decet. Haud facile animus verum providet, ubi illa officiunt, neque quisquam omnium libidini simul et usui paruit. Ubi intenderis ingenium, valet; si libido possidet, ea dominatur, animus nihil valet. Magna mihi copia est memorandi, P. C., quae reges atque populi ira aut misericordia impulsi male consuluerint;[247] sed ea malo dicere, quae majores nostri contra libidinem animi sui recte atque ordine fecere. Bello Macedonico, quod cum rege Perse[248] gessimus, Rhodiorum civitas, magna atque magnifica, quae populi Romani opibus creverat, infida atque adversa nobis fuit; sed postquam bello confecto de Rhodiis consultum est, majores nostri, ne quis divitiarum magis quam injuriae causa bellum inceptum diceret, impunitos eos dimisere. Item bellis Punicis omnibus, quum saepe Karthaginienses et in pace et per inducias multa nefaria facinora fecissent, nunquam ipsi per occasionem talia fecere; magis, quid se dignum foret, quam quid in illos jure fieri posset, quaerebant. Hoc item vobis providendum est, P. C., ne plus apud vos valeat P. Lentuli et ceterorum scelus quam vestra dignitas; neu magis irae vestrae quam famae consulatis. Nam si digna poena pro factis eorum reperitur, novum consilium approbo; sin magnitude sceleris omnium ingenia exuperat, his utendum censeo, quae legibus comparata sunt. Plerique eorum, qui ante me sententiam dixerunt, composite atque magnifice casum rei publicae miserati sunt; quae belli saevitia esset, quae victis acciderent, enumeravere; rapi virgines, pueros, divelli liberos a parentum complexu, matres familiarum pati, quae victoribus collibuissent, fana atque domos spoliari, caedem, incendia fieri, postremo armis, cadaveribus, cruore atque luctu omnia compleri. Sed, per deos immortales, quo illa oratio pertinuit? an[249] uti vos infestos conjurationi faceret? Scilicet[250] quem res tanta et tam, atrox non permovit, eum oratio accendet. Non ita est; neque cuiquam mortalium injuriae suae[251] parvae videntur: multi eas gravius aequo habuere.[252] Sed alia aliis licentia est, P. C. Qui demissi in obscuro vitam habent,[253] si quid iracundia deliquere, pauci sciunt; fama atque fortuna eorum pares sunt: qui magno imperio praediti in excelso aetatem agunt, eorum facta cuncti mortales novere. Ita in maxima fortuna minima licentia est; neque studere, neque odisse, sed minime irasci decet; quae apud alios iracundia dicitur, ea in imperio superbia atque crudelitas appellatur. Equidem ego[254] sic existimo, P. C., omnes cruciatus minores quam facinora illorum esse; sed plerique mortales postrema meminere, et in hominibus impiis sceleris eorum obliti de poena disserunt, si ea paulo severior fuit. D. Silanum, virum fortem atque strenuum, certo scio, quae dixerit, studio rei publicae dixisse, neque illum in tanta re gratiam aut inimicitias[255] exercere; eos mores eamque modestiam viri cognovi.[256] Verum sententia ejus mihi non crudelis, — quid enim in tales homines crudele fieri potest? — sed aliena a re publica nostra videtur. Nam profecto aut metus aut injuria te subegit,[257] Silane, consulem designatum, genus poenae novum decernere. De timore supervacaneum est disserere, quum praesertim diligentia clarissimi viri, consulis, tanta praesidia sint in armis. De poena possumus equidem dicere id quod res habet;[258] in luctu atque miseriis mortem aerumnarum requiem, non cruciatum esse, eam cuncta mortalium mala dissolvere, ultra neque curae neque gaudio locum esse. Sed, per deos immortales, quamobrem in sententiam non addidisti, uti prius verberibus in eos animadverteretur?[259] An quia lex Porcia[260] vetat? At aliae leges item condemnatis civibus non animam eripi, sed exilium permitti jubent.[261] An, quia gravius est verberari quam necari? Quid autem acerbum aut nimis grave est in homines tanti facinoris convictos? Sin, quia levius est; quî convenit[262] in minore negotio legem timere, quum eam in majore neglexeris? At enim[263] quis reprehendet, quod in parricidas rei publicae decretum erit? Tempus, dies, fortuna, cujus libido gentibus moderatur. Illis merito accidet, quidquid evenerit; ceterum vos, P. C., quid in alios statuatis, considerate. Omnia mala exempla ex bonis orta sunt; sed ubi imperium ad ignaros aut minus bonos pervenit, novum illud exemplum ab dignis et idoneis ad indignos et non idoneos transfertur.[264] Lacedaemonii devictis Atheniensibus triginta viros[265] imposuere, qui rem publicam eorum tractarent. Hi primo coepere pessimum quemque et omnibus invisum indemnatum necare; ea[266] populus laetari et merito dicere fieri. Post ubi paulatim licentia crevit, juxta bonos et malos libidinose interficere, ceteros metu terrere. Ita civitas servitute oppressa stultae laetitiae graves poenas dedit. Nostra memoria victor Sulla quum Damasippum[267] et alios hujusmodi, qui malo rei publicae creverant, jugulare jussit, quis non factum ejus laudabat? Homines scelestos et factiosos, qui seditionibus rem publicam exagitaverant, merito necatos ajebant. Sed ea res magnae initium cladis fuit. Nam uti quisque domum aut villam, postremo vas aut vestimentum alicujus concupiverat, dabat operam, ut is in proscriptorum[268] numero esset. Ita illi, quibus Damasippi mors laetitiae fuerat, paulo post ipsi trahebantur; neque prius finis jugulandi fuit quam Sulla omnes suos divitiis explevit. Atque ego haec non in M. Tullio neque his temporibus vereor, sed in magna civitate multa et varia ingenia sunt. Potest alio tempore, alio consule, cui item exercitus in manu sit, falsum aliquid pro vero credi; ubi hoc exemplo per senati decretum consul gladium eduxerit, quis illi finem statuet aut quis moderabitur? Majores nostri, P. C., neque consilii neque audaciae unquam eguere, neque illis superbia obstabat, quo minus aliena instituta, si modo proba erant, imitarentur. Arma atque tela militaria ab Samnitibus, insignia magistratuum ab Tuscis pleraque[269] sumpserunt: postremo quod ubique apud socios aut hostes idoneum videbatur, cum summo studio domi exequebantur, imitari quam invidere bonis malebant. Sed eodem illo tempore, Graeciae morem imitati, verberibus animadvertebant in cives, de condemnatis summum supplicium sumebant. Postquam res publica adolevit et multitudine civium factiones valuere, circumvenire innocentes, alia hujuscemodi fieri coepere, tum lex Porcia aliaeque leges paratae sunt, quibus legibus[270] exilium damnatis permissum est. Ego hanc causam, P. C., quominus[271] novum consilium capiamus, in primis magnam puto. Profecto virtus atque sapientia major in illis fuit, qui ex parvis opibus tantum imperium fecere quam in nobis, qui ea bene parta vix retinemus. Placet igitur eos dimitti et augere exercitum Catilinae? Minime, sed ita censeo; publicandas eorum pecunias, ipsos in vinculis habendos per municipia,[272] quae maxime opibus valent; neu quis de his postea ad senatum referat neve cum populo agat; qui aliter fecerit, senatum existimare eum contra rem publicam et salutem omnium facturum.’

52. Postquam Caesar dicendi finem fecit, ceteri verbo alius alii varie assentiebantur: at M. Porcius Cato, rogatus sententiam, hujuscemodi orationem habuit: ‘Longe mihi alia mens est, P. C., quum res atque pericula nostra considero, et quum sententias nonnullorum mecum ipse reputo.[273] Illi mihi disseruisse videntur de poena eorum, qui patriae, parentibus, aris atque focis suis bellum paravere; res autem monet cavere ab illis magis quam, quid in illos statuamus, consultare. Nam cetera maleficia tum persequare, ubi facta sunt; hoc nisi provideris ne accidat, ubi evenit, frustra judicia implores; capta urbe nihil fit reliqui victis. Sed, per deos immortales, vos ego appello, qui semper domos, villas, signa, tabulas vestras pluris quam rem publicam fecistis,[274] si ista, cujuscunque modi sunt quae amplexamini, retinere, si voluptatibus vestris otium praebere vultis, expergiscimini aliquando et capessite rem publicam.[275] Non agitur de vectigalibus neque de sociorum injuriis: libertas et anima nostra in dubio est. Saepenumero, P. C., multa verba in hoc ordine feci,[276] saepe de luxuria atque avaritia nostrorum civium questus sum, multosque mortales ea causa adversos habeo; qui mihi atque animo meo nullius unquam delicti gratiam fecissem,[277] haud facile alterius libidini male facta condonabam. Sed ea tametsi vos parvi pendebatis, tamen res publica firma erat; opulentia neglegentiam tolerabat.[278] Nunc vero non id agitur, bonisne an malis moribus vivamus, neque quantum aut quam magnificum imperium, populi Romani sit, sed haec cujuscunque modi videntur, nostra an nobiscum una hostium futura sint. Hic mihi quisquam mansuetudinem et misericordiam nominat.[279] Jampridem equidem[280] nos vera vocabula rerum amisimus, quia bona aliena largiri liberalitas, malarum rerum audacia fortitudo vocatur, eo[281] res publica in extremo sita est. Sint sane, quoniam ita se mores habent, liberales ex sociorum fortunis, sint misericordes in furibus aerarii; ne illi sanguinem nostrum largiantur, et[282] dum paucis sceleratis parcunt, bonos omnes perditum eant. Bene et composite G. Caesar paulo ante in hoc ordine de vita et morte disseruit, credo falsa existimans ea, quae de inferis memorantur, diverso itinere malos a bonis loca taetra, inculta, foeda atque formidolosa habere. Itaque censuit pecunias eorum publicandas, ipsos per municipia in custodiis habendos; videlicet timens, ne, si Romae sint, aut a popularibus conjurationis aut a multitudine conducta per vim eripiantur. Quasi vero mali atque scelesti tantummodo in urbe et non[283] per totam Italiam sint, aut non ibi plus possit audacia, ubi ad defendendum opes minores sunt. Quare vanum equidem hoc consilium est, si periculum ex illis metuit; sin in tanto omnium metu solus non timet, eo magis refert[284] me mihi atque vobis timere. Quare quum de P. Lentulo ceterisque statuetis, pro certo habetote,[285] vos simul de exercitu Catilinae et de omnibus conjuratis decernere. Quanto vos attentius ea agetis, tanto illis animus infirmior erit; si paululum modo vos languere viderint, jam omnes feroces aderunt.[286] Nolite existimare, majores nostros armis rem publicam ex parva magnam fecisse.[287] Si ita res esset, multo pulcherrimam eam nos haberemus; quippe sociorum atque civium, praeterea armorum atque equorum major nobis copia quam illis est. Sed alia fuere, quae illos magnos fecere, quae nobis nulla sunt, domi industria, foris justum imperium, animus in consulendo liber, neque delicto neque libidini obnoxius.[288] Pro his nos habemus luxuriam atque avaritiam, publice egestatem, privatim opulentiam; laudamus divitias, sequimur inertiam; inter bonos et malos discrimen nullum est; omnia virtutis praemia ambitio possidet. Neque mirum: ubi vos separatim sibi quisque consilium capitis, ubi domi voluptatibus, hic[289] pecuniae aut gratiae servitis, eo fit, ut impetus fiat in vacuam[290] rem publicam. Sed ego haec omitto. Conjuravere nobilissimi cives patriam incendere,[291] Gallorum gentem infestissimam nomini Romano ad bellum accersunt; dux hostium cum exercitu supra caput est: vos cunctamini etiamnunc, quid intra moenia deprensis hostibus faciatis?[292] Misereamini censeo[293], — deliquere homines adolescentuli per ambitionem, — atque etiam armatos dimittatis. Nae ista vobis mansuetudo et misericordia, si illi arma ceperint in miseriam onvertet.[294] Scilicet res ipsa aspera est, sed vos non timetis eam.[295] Immo vero[296] maxime; sed inertia et mollitia animi alius alium expectantes cunctamini, videlicet dis immortalibus confisi, qui hanc rem publicam saepe in maximis periculis servavere. Non votis neque suppliciis muliebribus auxilia deorum parantur; vigilando, agendo, bene consulendo prospera omnia cedunt; ubi socordiae te atque ignaviae tradideris, nequidquam deos implores;[297] irati infestique sunt. Apud majores nostros A. Manlius Torquatus bello Gallico filium suum, quod is contra imperium in hostem pugnaverat, necare jussit,[298] atque ille egregius adolescens immoderatae fortitudinis morte poenas dedit: vos de crudelissimis parricidis quid statuatis cunctamini? Videlicet cetera vita eorum huic sceleri obstat. Verum parcite dignitati Lentuli, si ipse pudicitiae, si famae suae, si dis aut hominibus unquam ullis pepercit; ignoscite Cethegi adolescentiae, nisi iterum jam patriae bellum fecit. Nam quid ego de Gabinio, Statilio, Caepario loquar? quibus si quidquam[299] unquam pensi fuisset, non ea consilia de re publica habuissent. Postremo, P. C., si mehercule peccato locus esset,[300] facile paterer vos ipsa re corrigi, quoniam verba contemnitis; sed undique circumventi sumus. Catilina cum exercitu faucibus urguet:[301] alii intra moenia atque in sinu urbis sunt hostes: neque parari neque consuli quidquam potest occulte; quo magis properandum est. Quare ita ego censeo: quum nefario consilio sceleratorum civium res publica in maxima pericula venerit, iique indicio T. Volturcii et legatorum Allobrogum convicti confessique sint caedem, incendia aliaque se foeda atque crudelia facinora in cives patriamque paravisse, de confessis sicuti de manifestis rerum capitalium more majorum supplicium sumendum.’

53. Postquam Cato assedit, consulares omnes itemque senatus magna pars sententiam ejus laudant, virtutem animi ad coelum ferunt, alii alios increpantes timidos vocant, Cato clarus atque magnus habetur, senati decretum fit, sicuti ille censuerat. Sed mihi multa legenti, multa audienti, quae populus Romanus domi militiaeque, mari atque terra praeclara facinora fecit, forte libuit attendere, quae res maxime tanta negotia sustinuisset.[302] Sciebam saepenumero parva manu cum magnis legionibus hostium contendisse; cognoveram parvis copiis bella gesta cum opulentis regibus, ad hoc saepe fortunae violentiam toleravisse, facundia Graecos, gloria belli Gallos ante Romanos fuisse. Ac mihi multa agitanti constabat, paucorum civium egregiam virtutem cuncta patravisse,[303] eoque factum, uti divitias paupertas, multitudinem paucitas superaret. Sed postquam luxu atque desidia civitas corrupta est, rursus res publica magnitudine sua imperatorum atque magistratuum vitia sustentabat, ac, sicuti effeta parentum,[304] multis tempestatibus haud sane quisquam Romae virtute magnus fuit. Sed memoria mea ingenti virtute, diversis moribus fuere viri duo, M. Cato et G. Caesar; quos quoniam res obtulerat, silentio praeterire non fuit consilium, quin[305] utriusque naturam et mores, quantum ingenio possem, aperirem.

54. Igitur his genus, aetas, eloquentia prope aequalia fuere; magnitudo animi par, item gloria, sed alia alii.[306] Caesar beneficiis ac munificentia magnus habebatur, integritate vitae Cato. Ille mansuetudine et misericordia clarus factus, huic severitas dignitatem addiderat. Caesar dando, sublevando, ignoscendo, Cato nihil largiundo gloriam adeptus est. In altero miseris perfugium erat, in altero malis pernicies; illius facilitas, hujus constantia laudabatur. Postremo Caesar in animum induxerat laborare, vigilare; negotiis amicorum intentus sua neglegere, nihil denegare, quod dono dignum esset; sibi magnum imperium, exercitum, bellum novum exoptabat, ubi virtus enitescere posset. At Catoni studium modestiae, decoris, sed maxime severitatis erat. Non divitiis cum divite, neque factione cum factioso, sed cum strenuo virtute, cum modesto pudore, cum innocente abstinentia certabat, esse quam videri bonus malebat; ita quo minus petebat gloriam, eo magis ilium sequebatur.[307]

55. Postquam, ut dixi, senatus in Catonis sententiam discessit,[308] consul optimum factu ratus, noctem, quae instabat, antecapere, ne quid eo spatio novaretur, III. viros[309] quae supplicium postulabat parare jubet; ipse, praesidiis dispositis, Lentulum in carcerem deducit;[310] idem fit ceteris per praetores. Est in carcere locus, quod[311] Tullianum appellatur, ubi paululum descenderis ad laevam, circiter duodecim pedes humi depressus.[312] Eum muniunt undique parietes atque insuper camera lapideis fornicibus vineta,[313] sed incultu,[314] tenebris, odore foeda atque terribilis ejus facies est. In eum locum postquam demissus est Lentulus, viridices rerum capitalium,[315] quibus praeceptum erat, laqueo gulam fregere. Ila ille patricius ex gente clarissima Corneliorum, qui consulare imperium Romae habuerat,[316] dignum moribus factisque suis exitium vitae invenit. De Cethego, Statilio, Gabinio, Caepario eodem modo supplicium sumptum est.[317]

56. Dum ea Romae geruntur, Catilina ex omni copia,[318] quam et ipse adduxerat et Manlius habuerat, duas legiones instituit, cohortes pro numero militum complet,[319] deinde, ut quisque voluntarius aut ex sociis in castra venerat, aequaliter distribuerat, ac brevi spatio legiones numero hominum expleverat, quum initio non amplius duobus milibus[320] habuisset. Sed ex omni copia circiter pars quarta erat militaribus armis instructa; ceteri, ut quemque casus armaverat, sparos aut lanceas,[321] alii praeacutas sudes portabant. Sed postquam Antonius[322] cum exercitu adventabat, Catilina per montes iter facere, modo ad urbem, modo in Galliam versus castra movere, hostibus occasionem pugnandi non dare; sperabat propediem magnas copias sese habiturum, si Romae socii incepta patravissent. Interea servitia repudiabat, cujus[323] initio ad eum magnae copiae concurrebant, opibus conjurationis fretus, simul alienum suis rationibus existimans, videri[324] causam civium cum servis fugitivis communicavisse.

57. Sed postquam in castra nuntius pervenit Romae conjurationem patefactam, de Lentulo et Cethego ceterisque, quos supra memoravi, supplicium sumptum; plerique, quos ad bellum spes rapinarum aut novarum rerum studium illexerat, dilabuntur; reliquos Catilina per montes asperos magnis itineribus in agrum Pistoriensem[325] abducit, eo consilio, uti per tramites occulte perfugeret in Galliam Transalpinam. At Q. Metellus Celer cum tribus legionibus in agro Piceno praesidebat, ex difficultate rerum eadem illa existimans, quae supra diximus, Catilinam agitare. Igitur, ubi iter ejus ex perfugis cognovit, castra propere movet ac sub ipsis radicibus montium consedit, qua illi descensus erat in Galliam properanti. Neque tamen Antonius procul aberat, utpote qui magno exercitu locis aequioribus expeditos in fuga sequeretur.[326] Sed Catilina postquam videt montibus atque copiis hostium sese clausum, in urbe res adversas, neque fugae neque praesidii ullam spem, optimum factu ratus, in tali re fortunam belli temptare, statuit cum Antonio quam primum confligere. Itaque contione advocata hujuscemodi orationem habuit:

58. ‘Compertum ego habeo, milites, verba virtutem non addere, neque ex ignavo strenuum neque fortem ex timido exercitum oratione imperatoris fieri. Quanta cujusque animo audacia natura aut moribus inest, tanta in bello patere solet. Quem neque gloria neque pericula excitant, nequidquam hortere; timor animi auribus officit.[327] Sed ego vos, quo pauca monerem, advocavi; simul uti causam mei consilii aperirem. Scitis equidem, milites, socordia atque ignavia Lentuli quantam ipsi nobisque cladem attulerit; quoque modo, dum ex urbe praesidia opperior, in Galliam proficisci nequiverim.[328] Nunc vero quo in loco[329] res nostrae sint, juxta mecum omnes intellegitis. Exercitus hostium duo, unus ab urbe, alter a Gallia obstant; diutius in his locis esse, si maxime animus ferat, frumenti atque aliarum rerum egestas[330] prohibet. Quocunque ire placet, ferro iter aperiundum est. Quapropter vos moneo; uti forti atque parato animo sitis et, quum proelium inibitis, memineritis vos divitias, decus, gloriam, praeterea libertatem atque patriam in dexteris vestris portare. Si vincimus, omnia nobis tuta erunt, commeatus abunde, municipia atque coloniae patebunt; sin metu cesserimus, eadem illa adversa fient: neque locus neque amicus quisquam teget, quem arma non texerint. Praeterea, milites, non eadem nobis et illis necessitudo impendet; nos pro patria, pro libertate, pro vita certamus: illis supervacaneum est pro potentia paucorum pugnare. Quo audacius aggredimini, memores pristinae virtutis. Licuit vobis cum summa turpitudine in exilio aetatem agere; potuistis nonnulli Romae amissis bonis alienas opes expectare: quia illa foeda atque intoleranda viris videbantur, haec[331] sequi decrevistis. Si haec relinquere vultis, audacia opus est; nemo nisi victor pace bellum mutavit.[332] Nam in fuga salutem sperare, quum arma, quîs[333] corpus tegitur, ab hostibus averteris, ea vero dementia est. Semper in proelio iis maximum est periculum, qui maxime timent; audacia pro muro habetur. Quum vos considero, milites, et quum facta vestra aestimo, magna me spes victoriae tenet. Animus, aetas, virtus vestra me hortantur;[334] praeterea necessitudo, quae etiam timidos fortes facit. Nam multitudo hostium ne circumvenire queat, prohibent angustiae loci. Quodsi virtuti vestrae fortuna inviderit, cavete,[335] inulti animam amittatis, neu capti potius sicuti pecora trucidemini, quam virorum more pugnantes cruentam atque luctuosam victoriam hostibus relinquatis.’

59. Haec ubi dixit, paululum commoratus, signa canere jubet,[336] atque instructos ordines in locum aequum deducit. Dein, remotis omnium equis, quo militibus exaequato periculo animus amplior esset, ipse pedes exercitum pro loco atque copiis instruit. Nam, uti planities erat inter sinistros montes et ab dextera rupe aspera,[337] octo cohortes in fronte constituit, reliquarum signa[338] in subsidio artius collocat. Ab his centuriones omnes, lectos et evocatos, praeterea ex gregariis militibus optimum quemque armatum in primam aciem subducit.[339] G. Manlium in dextera, Faesulanum quendam in sinistra parte curare[340] jubet; ipse cum libertis et colonis propter aquilam assistit,[341] quam bello Cimbrico G. Marius in exercitu habuisse dicebatur. At ex altera parte G. Antonius, pedibus aeger,[342] quod proelio adesse nequibat, M. Petreio legato[343] exercitum permittit. Ille cohortes veteranas, quas tumulti[344] causa conscripserat, in fronte post eas ceterum exercitum in subsidiis locat. Ipse equo circumiens, unum quemque nominans appellat, hortatur, rogat, ut meminerint, se contra latrones inermes, pro patria, pro liberis, pro aris atque focis suis certare. Homo militaris, quod amplius annos triginta tribunus aut praefectus aut legatus aut praetor cum magna gloria in exercitu fuerat, plerosque ipsos factaque eorum fortia noverat; ea commemorando militum animos accendebat.

60. Sed ubi, omnibus rebus exploratis, Petreius tuba signum dat, cohortes paulatim incedere jubet, idem facit hostium exercitus. Postquam eo ventum est, unde a ferentariis[345] proelium committi posset, maximo clamore cum infestis signis[346] concurrunt; pila omittunt, gladiis res geritur. Veterani, pristinae virtutis memores, comminus acriter instare; illi haud timidi resistunt; maxima vi certatur. Interea Catilina cum expeditis in prima acie versari, laborantibus succurrere; integros pro sauciis accersere, omnia providere, multum ipse pugnare saepe, hostem ferire; strenui militis et boni imperatoris officia simul exequebatur. Petreius, ubi videt Catilinam, contra ac ratus erat, magna vi tendere, cohortem praetoriam[347] in medios hostes inducit, eosque perturbatos atque alios alibi resistentes interficit; deinde utrimque ex lateribus ceteros aggreditur. Manlius et Faesulanus in primis pugnantes cadunt. Postquam fusas copias seque cum paucis relictum videt Catilina, memor generis atque pristinae suae dignitatis, in confertissimos hostes incurrit ibique pugnans confoditur.

61. Sed confecto proelio, tum vero cerneres,[348] quanta audacia quantaque vis animi fuisset in exercitu Catilinae. Nam fere, quem quisque vivus pugnando locum ceperat, eum amissa anima corpore tegebat. Pauci autem, quos medios[349] cohors praetoria disjecerat, paulo diversius, sed omnes tamen adversis vulneribus[350] conciderant. Catilina vero longe a suis inter hostium cadavera repertus est, paululum etiam spirans ferociamque animi, quam habuerat vivus, in vultu retinens. Postremo ex omni copia neque in proelio neque in fuga quisquam[351] civis ingenuus captus est: ita cuncti suae hostiumque vitae juxta[352] pepercerant. Neque tamen exercitus populi Romani laetam aut incruentam victoriam adeptus erat; nam strenuissimus quisque aut occiderat in proelio aut graviter vulneratus discesserat. Multi autem, qui de castris visundi aut spoliandi gratia processerant, volventes hostilia cadavera, amicum alii, pars hospitem aut cognatum reperiebant; fuere item, qui inimicos suos cognoscerent. Ita varie per omnem exercitum laetitia, moeror, luctus atque gaudia[353] agitabantur.

Footnotes for Bellum Catilinarium

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1.

[1] Omnes. Other editions have omnis or omneis. The accusative plural of words of the third declension making their genitive plural in ium, varied in early Latin, sometimes ending in is, and sometimes in eis or es. This fluctuation, however, afterwards ceased; and even in the best age of the Latin language it became generally customary to make the accusative plural like the nominative in es. The same was the case with some other obsolete forms, as volt for vult, divorsus for diversus, quoique for cuique, maxumus for maximus, quom for quum, or cum, which are retained in many editions, but have been avoided in the present, in accordance with the orthography generally adopted during the best period of the Latin language.
[2] Studeo, when the verb following has the same subject, may be construed in three ways — with the infinitive alone, as studeo praestare; with the accusative and infinitive, studeo me praestare, as in the present case; or with ut, as studeo ut praestem.
[3] Summa ope, ‘with the greatest exertion,’ equivalent to summa opere, summopere; as magno opere, or magnopere, signifies ‘with great exertion,’ or ‘greatly.’ The nominative ops is not in use, and the plural opes generally signifies ‘the means’ or ‘power of doing something.’
[4] Prona, ‘bent forward,’ ‘bent down to the ground,’ in opposition to the erect gait of man.
[5] Dis for diis. See Zumpt, § 51, n. 5.
[6] Beluis; another, but less correct mode of spelling, is bellua, belluis.
[7] Instead of memoriam nostri, Sallust might have said memoriam nostram; but the genitive nostri sets forth the object of remembrance with greater force. See Zumpt, § 423.
[8] Quam maxime longam; that is, quam longissimam, ‘lasting as long as possible.’ Zumpt, § 108.
[9] The author here makes a digression, to remove the objection that in war bodily strength is of greater importance than mental superiority. He admits that in the earlier times it may have been so, but maintains that in more recent times, when the art of war had become rather complicate, the superiority of mind has become manifest. Vine corporis an; that is, utrum vi corporis an. See Zumpt, § 554.
[10] That is, ‘before undertaking anything, reflect well; but when you have reflected, then carry your design into execution without delay.’ The past participles consulta and facto here supply the place of verbal substantives.

2.

[11] Respecting the frequent position of igitur at the beginning of a sentence in Sallust, see Zumpt, § 357.
[12] Pars, instead of alii, probably to avoid the repetition of alii, and to produce variety.
[13] Postea vero quam, for postquam vero. The author means to say, that after the formation of great empires by extensive conquests, the truth became manifest that even in war mind was superior to mere bodily strength. He mentions Cyrus, king of Persia, the Lacedaemonians and Athenians, because the earlier empires of the Egyptians and Assyrians did not yet belong to accredited history.
[14] Sallust here introduces, by quodsi (and if, or yes, if), an illustration connected with the preceding remarks. Respecting this connecting power of quodsi, as distinguished from the simple si, see Zumpt, § 807. This illustration, which ends with the word transfertur, was suggested to Sallust especially by the consideration of the recent disturbances in the Roman republic under Pompey, Caesar, and Mark Antony, three men who, in times of peace, saw their glory, previously acquired in war, fade away.
[15] Animi virtus; these two words are here united to express a single idea, ‘mental greatness.’
[16] Aliud alio ferri, ‘that one thing is drawn in one direction, and the other in another.’ For aliud alio, see Zumpt, § 714; and for cerneres, in which the second person singular of the subjunctive answers to the English ‘you’ when not referring to any definite person, § 381.
[17] Optimum quemque, ‘to every one in proportion as he is better than others.’ Respecting this relative meaning of quisque, see Zumpt, § 710. ‘Every one,’ absolutely, is unusqisque, and adjectively omnis.
[18] ‘They have passed through life like strangers or travellers;’ that is, as if they had no concern with their own life, although it is clear that human life is of value only when men are conscious of themselves, and exert themselves to cultivate their mental powers, and apply them to practical purposes.
[19] ‘I set an equal value upon their life and their death;’ that is, an equally low value, juxta being equivalent to aeque or pariter.
[20] Verum enimvero; these conjunctions are intended strongly to draw the attention of the reader to the conclusion from a preceding argument.
[21] ‘Intent upon some occupation.’ Intentus is commonly construed with the dative, or the preposition in or ad with the accusative; but as a person may be intent upon something, so he also may be intent by, or in consequence of, something, so that the ablative is perfectly consistent.

3.

[22] Haud absurdum est, ‘is not unbecoming;’ that is, ‘is worthy of man.’
[23] Quidem here, like the Greek μεν in εμοι μεν, without a δε following, introduces one opinion in contradistinction from others, though the latter are not mentioned, but merely suggested by quidem. ‘I for my part think so, but what others think I do not know, or care.’
[24] ‘If you censure any things as faults or delinquencies, your censure is considered to have arisen from malevolence or ill-will.’
[25] Supra ea, ‘whatever is beyond: that;’ that is, whatever is beyond the capacity of the reader.
[26] The author now passes over to his own experience, telling us that after having devoted himself at first to the career of a public man, and finding that he was not understood, and ill-used by his opponents, he formed the determination to give himself up to a literary life.
[27] Insolens malarum artium, ‘unacquainted with base artifices or intrigues;’ for artes may be malae as well as bonae, according as they consist in the skill of doing bad or good things.
[28] Imbecilla aetas, ‘my weak age;’ that is, my mind, which had not yet arrived at mature independence, ‘was corrupted by ambition, and was kept under the influence of such bad circumstances.’ Sallust means to say that if his mind had arrived at manly independence, he would have immediately withdrawn from the vicious atmosphere of public life.
[29] My ambition caused me to be equally ill spoken of and envied, and thus to be dragged down to a level with the rest, and to be equally harassed and persecuted as they were.

4.

[30] Conterere — that is, consumere, ‘to waste my fair leisure.’
[31] Sallust here calls agriculture and the chase occupations of men in a servile condition, although the majority of the ancients considered the former especially as the most honourable occupation of free citizens. But he seems to think that in comparison with the important business of writing the history of his country, agriculture and the chase are not suitable occupations for a man who has at one time taken an active part in political affairs.
[32] Carptim, ‘in detached parts.’
[33] Paucis absolvam, ‘I shall treat briefly,’ or paucis pertractabo conjurationem Catilinae.

5.

[34] Sallust begins with a general description of the character of Catiline. This talented person, though of a most wicked disposition, belonged to the patrician gens Sergia, which traced its descent to one of the companions of Aeneas. This is no doubt fabulous, but at any rate proves the high antiquity of the gens. The most renowned among the ancestors of Catiline was M. Sergius, a real model of bravery, who distinguished himself in the Gallic and second Punic wars, and after having lost his right hand in battle, wielded the sword with the left. As Catiline offered himself as a candidate for the consulship in B.C. 66, which no Roman was allowed to do by law before having attained the age of forty-three, we may fairly presume that he was born about B.C. 109, in the time of the Jugurthine war. Cicero was born in B.C. 106, and was consequently a few years younger than Catiline.
[35] Patiens inediae. Respecting the genitive governed by this and similar participles — as soon after alieni appetens — see Zumpt, § 438.
[36] Cujus rei libet; it is more common to say cujuslibet rei. Sometimes the relative pronouns compounded with cunque and libet are separated by the insertion of some other word or words between them, which in grammatical language is called a tmesis — as quod enim cunque judicium subierat, absolvebatur; quem sors dierum cunque tibi dederit, lucre appone, ‘whatever day chance may give thee, consider it as a gain.’
[37] Capiundae. Respecting the e or u in such gerunds and gerandives, see Zumpt, § 167.
[38] Auxerat. He had increased both by the above-mentioned qualities — namely, his poverty by extravagance, and the consciousness of guilt by the crimes he committed. The neuter plural quae, referring to two feminine substantives denoting abstract ideas, is not very common, though quite justifiable. Zumpt, § 377.
[39] Respecting the infinitive after hortari, instead of the more common use of the conjunction ut, see Zumpt, § 615.
[40] Domi militiaeque, ‘in times of peace and in war.’

6.

[41] In the following eight chapters (6-13) Sallust describes the transition from the stern manners, the warlike energy, and domestic peace of the ancient Romans, to the corruption prevalent in the time of Catiline, and which consisted chiefly in extravagance, avarice, oppression, and the love of dominion. His description is a striking picture of the early virtuous character of the Romans, and their subsequent indulgence in vice. He traces all the corruption of his time to the immense wealth accumulated at Rome, after she had acquired the dominion over the world — that is, after the destruction of Carthage and Corinth; and he marks out in particular Sulla as the man who had fostered the very worst qualities in order to obtain supreme power for himself.
[42] According to the current tradition, the people of the Latins had been formed by a union of the Trojan emigrants with the native Aborigines. Their capital was Alba Longa, and they lived about Alba, on and near the Alban Mount, in a great number of confederate townships. Four centuries after the arrival of Aeneas, the city of Rome was founded by Albans on the extreme frontier of the Latin territory, and near the hostile tribes by which it was surrounded. Sallust passes over the intermediate stages, either because he, like others, thought Rome much more ancient, or because, having to do only with the description of manners, he was unconcerned about historical developments.
[43] Una is the plural. See Zumpt, § 115, note.
[44] It is indeed wonderful how quickly the Roman people, although consisting of a mixture of different tribes — whether, as Sallust briefly intimates, they were Trojans and Aborigines, or, as the more minute historians relate, Latins, Sabines, and Etruscans — united into one nationality. The language spoken by the Roman people, however, was not a mixture of those of the last-mentioned tribes, but Latin, which, in conformity with Sallust’s notion, appears to be a combination of Greek with some early Italian idiom.
[45] Temptare, the historical infinitive, about the meaning and construction of which see Zumpt, § 599, note.
[46] Auxilia portare is a less common expression than auxilium ferre; for portare is generally used only to denote the actual physical carrying of something, while ferre has a wider meaning. The plural auxilia, however, here alludes to the repeated assistance given to friends.
[47] ‘Their government was a legitimate one’ — that is, the powers of the government were limited by law; ‘and bore the name of a kingly government’ — that is, a king stood at the head of it.
[48] Chosen men had the care of public affairs, and deliberated about the good of the state; they stood by the side of the kings as a consilium publicum, and were addressed by the term patres.
[49] Respecting the meaning of these genitives, for which datives also might have been used, see Zumpt, § 662.
[50] Ubi — convertit, ‘when it had changed (itself).’ For ubi with the perfect in the sense of a pluperfect, see Zumpt, § 506; and for the use of vertere in an intransitive or reflective sense, § 145.
[51] In the earliest times they were called praetores or leaders, qui praeeunt exercitui; afterwards consules. As two were elected every year, Sallust uses bini, and not duo.

7.

[52] In promptu habere, ‘to have in readiness,’ and also ‘to bring into action,’ or ‘to make use of.’ Sallust means to say, that in consequence of the introduction of annual magistrates, every one increased his efforts to distinguish himself, and to make his talents shine.
[53] Adepta is here used in a passive sense, contrary to the usage of the best authors, in accordance with which he might have said adepta libertatem.
[54] Brevi, ‘in a short time.’
[55] Incesserat; supply in eos or iis, referring to cives, implied in the preceding civitas.
[56] Habebant should have been habebat, since discebat precedes. But see Zumpt, § 366.
[57] Labos, a rarer form for labor, as honos and lepos, which are even more frequently found than honor and lepor.
[58] Eas agrees with divitias, though in English we say, in such cases, ‘This,’ or ‘these things they considered as riches.’ See Zumpt, § 372.

8.

[59] Aliquanto, ‘by a considerable amount,’ or simply ‘considerably,’ is the ablative, expressing the amount of difference between two things compared. Sallust here considers it to be a mere matter of chance that the wars of the early Romans, as those against the Volscians, Aequians, Etruscans, and Samnites, do not stand forth in history as glorious as the wars of the Greek nations among themselves, and against the Persians. To us it appears that this was not a matter of chance; but it undoubtedly arose from the fact, that the Greeks even then had already attained a higher degree of civilisation. The interest which history takes in wars does not depend upon the vastness of the armies or the extent of countries, but upon the lower or higher degree of civilisation of those engaged in the wars.
[60] Pro maximis, ‘they are celebrated as if they were the greatest.’ Respecting this meaning of pro, see Zumpt, § 394, note 3.
[61] ‘The more intelligent any one was, the more business was intrusted to him,’ so that he had no leisure (otium) to devote to literary composition. This at least is Sallust’s opinion; but when a man feels it to be his vocation to write history, he can find time for it, however much he may be otherwise engaged — witness J. Caesar and Frederick II. of Prussia. For the construction, see Zumpt, § 710. C.

9.

[62] ‘Not more by law than by nature;’ that is, ‘by nature as well as by law.’
[63] In suppliciis, ‘in the worship of the gods;’ for as it was customary, in worshipping, to fall down, the word supplicium has this religious meaning, which also appears in supplicatio. The other and more common meaning of ‘execution,’ ‘capital punishment,’ or ‘severe chastisement,’ likewise originates in the prostration of the person so punished.
[64] Seque remque is an unusual expression for et se et rem.
[65] Quam; before this word we must supply magis, ‘they carried on the government more with acts of kindness than with fear.’ This ellipsis before quam is not uncommon.
[66] When they had suffered a wrong, they would rather pardon it than take revenge.’ To persequi we must supply eam from the preceding ablative.

11.

[67] Propius virtutem, also propius virtuti. See Zumpt, § 411.
[68] Concupivit, ‘No man in his senses has ever coveted money for its own sake;’ that is, and even now no one does so, nor will any one ever do so. But a homo avarus covets money only that he may have it, and not for any ulterior objects.
[69] Bonis initiis is the ablative absolute, ‘though his beginnings were good.’ Although Sulla’s government began well, it became arbitrary and bad, especially by the unlimited partiality with which he treated the men of his own party.
[70] In civibus. It would have been more in accordance with the common usage to write in cives; but the ablative signifies ‘in the case of citizens.’
[71] ‘In order thereby to render him faithful or attached to himself,’ quo being equivalent to ut eo or ut ea re.
[72] Namely, the charming and delightful places in Asia Minor, near the sea-coast, under a mild climate, abounding in all the means calculated to afford pleasure and delight.
[73] Amare, ‘to indulge in illicit intercourse with the other sex:’ amare is often used to denote an immoral intercourse between the sexes.
[74] Vasa caelata, vessels adorned with figures, and wrought with the caelum, the chisel. Caelare and caelatura denote the art of making raised figures in metal, alto relievo.
[75] Delubra, ‘temples of the gods.’ Sallust has chosen this word in preference to the common templa or aedes, because it conveys the idea of antiquity, sanctity, and mysterious seclusion, which is also contained in the word fanum.
[76] Ne illi — temperament ‘not to speak of their using their victory with moderation;’ that is, they were far from using their victory with moderation. Ne is here used in the sense of nedum.

12.

[77] ‘Honest conduct was regarded as malevolence or envy,’ inasmuch as an honest and incorruptible man was not praised for these virtues, but rather drew upon himself the suspicion of envying others for their increasing their possessions, and of wishing to prevent them from becoming rich by the base means which in their greediness they considered to be fair.
[78] Operae pretium est, ‘it is worth while (properly “the labour has its reward”) to compare the extensive country-houses of our present aristocracy with the small temples of the gods erected by our ancestors, notwithstanding their intense piety.’
[79] This is the same precept as that advanced by Cicero, that in punishing an enemy, we should be satisfied if we have placed him in a position in which he can no longer injure us.

13.

[80] ‘Mountains are levelled, and seas are produced artificially.’ In the latter expression, Sallust, as in chap. 20 (maria extruuntur), alludes to the formation of immense basins in the interior of the country, into which the water was conducted from the sea, for the purpose of keeping in them sea-fish and oysters. In this kind of luxury and extravagance all the earlier Roman grandees were eclipsed by L. Lucullus, who had amassed immense wealth in the war against Mithridates. He possessed a very extensive piscina of this kind near the coast of Campania, in the neighbourhood of Baiae.
[81] Cultus comprises the whole domestic arrangement, and especially includes costly furniture and dresses.
[82] ‘To the acquisition and to the squandering of money;’ for, as we stated before, it was peculiar to the corruption prevalent among the Romans that they squandered their own property, and appropriated to themselves, by violent means, that which belonged to others.

14.

[83] The author, after having given a description of the state of morality in the time of Sulla, now proceeds to the life of Catiline himself, and in the following two chapters, describes the associates in whom that criminal placed his confidence, and with whose help he hoped to overturn the constitution. Flagitia and facinora in this passage have the meaning of homines flagitiosi, and facinorosi.
[84] Manu, ‘by playing at dice’ (alea), because that game was played with the hand, either with or without the cup containing the dice (fritillus).
[85] Difficulter. See Zumpt, § 267, note 2.
[86] ‘In accordance with his (still) youthful age.’ Zumpt, § 309.
[87] Dum for dummodo, ‘if but.’

15.

[88] Catiline then had a son from a previous marriage, whom he got rid of because Orestilla would not become his wife, from fear of the young man, who was already grown up, and who would have become her stepson (privignus).
[89] ‘The consciousness of his guilt disturbed his thinking powers,’ for this is the meaning of mens as distinct from animus, which has reference to the feelings.

16.

[90] Gratuito, ‘gratuitously,’ ‘without any advantage.’ Respecting the form of this adverb, see Zumpt, § 266.
[91] Sulla had given settlements to the legions with which he had gained the victory over the Marian party in the territory of those towns which had longest remained faithful to his adversaries; and it was more especially in Etruria that this measure had brought about a complete change of the owners of the soil. But the new landowners had acted very recklessly on their new estates, and therefore were inclined to favour any fresh revolutionary attempt which seemed to promise an equally favourable result.
[92] Gn. Pompeius. Respecting the orthography of the prenomen Gneius, see Zumpt, § 4. Pompey was then engaged in the war against Mithridates, king of Pontus, and Tigranes, king of Armenia; and in consequence of this war, the extensive country of Syria, which had before been an independent kingdom, became a Roman province.
[93] Nihil sane intentus, ‘in no way attentive.’ For the difference between nihil and non, see Zumpt, § 677.

17.

[94] That is, in the year B.C. 64, or 690 after the building of the city.
[95] Necessitudo, ‘a close connection’ or ‘friendship’ is commonly distinguished from necessitas, ‘necessity,’ or ‘a compulsory circumstance;’ but the two words are often confounded with each other, as here, and subsequently in this chapter, necessitudo is used in the sense of necessitas.
[96] For the difference between plures and complures, see Zumpt, § 65.
[97] Juventus pleraque, ‘most young men.’ Commonly the plural plerique only is used; but see Zumpt, § 103.
[98] Ea tempestate, an old-fashioned expression, such as Sallust is fond of, for eo tempore; for in ordinary Latinity, tempestas is used only in the sense of ‘storm’ or ‘tempest.’
[99] M. Licinius Crassus had been consul several years before (B.C. 70), together with Cn. Pompey, and enjoyed considerable popularity both on account of his former practical usefulness in the state, and on account of his colossal wealth, which he used with proper discretion.

18.

[100] Antea. Sallust, who has commenced speaking of the conspiracy entered into in the year B. C. 64, considers it necessary, before relating its progress, to go back to an earlier conspiracy, which failed, and in which Catiline had likewise taken an active part. This earlier conspiracy the author relates in chaps. 19 and 20.
[101] Qua; supply conjuratione, which is to be taken from the verb conjuravere. This is an irregularity arising from the desire to be brief and concise.
[102] That is, in the year B. C. 66, or 688 after the building of the city.
[103] Interrogati — that is, accusati, ‘taken to account by accusers,’ because the beginning of all such accusations consisted in the accused being asked whether they owned having done this or that thing forbidden by law.
[104] Post paulo is less common than paulo post.
[105] Repetundarum reus, ‘accused of extortion.’ Res repetundae, in legal phraseology, signifies the things or money which had been illegally taken by public officers from those subject to their authority; for such citizens or subjects had a right, after the expiration of the official year of their ruler, to reclaim (repetere) their property in a court of law. Those officers who were found guilty had, in addition, to pay a fine, or were otherwise punished. A person who stood accused of extortion was not allowed to come forward as a candidate for any other office before he was tried and acquitted.
[106] Profiteri, ‘to announce one’s self’ as a candidate for an office.
[107] These are the consuls of the year B. C. 65, who had obtained their office after the condemnation of the above-mentioned P. Sulla (a nephew of the dictator) and P. Autronius.
[108] Hispanias. Ancient Spain was, for administrative purposes, divided into two provinces — Hispania Tarraconensis, or provincia citerior, with Tarraco (the modern Tarragona) for its capital; and Hispania Baetica, or ulterior, deriving its name from the river Baitis (the modern Guadalquiver). Its chief towns were Corduba and Hispalis (now Seville).
[109] About the force of quod, when joined to conjunctions, see Zumpt, § 807. Compare p.14, note 6 [note 14].

19.

[110] That is, he was only quaestor, but had the powers of a praetor, being commissioned to supply the place of a praetor.
[111] Respecting the indicative dicunt, see Zumpt, § 563.

20.

[112] The author now continues his account of the conspiracy entered into in B.C. 64.
[113] Per ignaviam, ‘by means of cowardice,’ here means, ‘with the assistance of cowardly men,’ ‘such as you are not, since I have evidence of your valour and trustworthiness.’ Vana ingenia are men of untrustworthy character. In both cases the abstract quality is mentioned instead of the person possessing it.
[114] Diversi, ‘separately;’ that is, at different times, and in different places.
[115] Tetrarcha is a title which properly belonged only to such princes as ruled over the fourth part of a whole nation. Such a division took place in Galatia, and afterwards also in Judaea. A similar title, ethnarcha, but that of king also, was sometimes granted to powerful princes; or, when they had had it before, the Roman senate sometimes allowed them to keep it.
[116] Pro fidem, or proh fidem, is an exclamation, and pro an interjection. The accus. fidem is governed by some such verb as testor or invoco. See Zumpt, § 361.
[117] Superare here has an intransitive meaning, ‘to exist in abundance.’
[118] Lar familiaris, a domestic or family divinity, whose image stood in the interior of the house, by the domestic altar; hence lar, or the plural lares, is sometimes used in the sense of ‘a house,’ or ‘home.’
[119] Toreumata are the vasa caelata mentioned in chap. 11; works in metal, especially silver, with raised figures. The instrument called by the Latins caelum, was called by the Greeks τορος,whence τορευειν, τορευμα.
[120] ‘They cannot master their wealth;’ that is, they are not able to spend it.
[121] Quin — that is, qui non or quo non? ‘why not?’
[122] En, as well as ecce, are most commonly construed with the accusative.

21.

[123] Tabulae novae are literally ‘new registers of debts;’ that is, a change or reduction of debts, when, for example, the interest already paid was deducted from the principal, or when the amount of debts was reduced by one-half, or even by three-fourths. Such regulations of debts in favour of debtors were often resorted to in the revolutions of the ancient republics.
[124] ‘If he should be consul with him, he would begin to carry the matter into effect.’
[125] Ignominia, ‘disgrace’ which a person incurs, either because he has been condemned in a court of law, or with which he has been branded by the censors.

22.

[126] Popularis, properly ‘a fellow-countryman,’ or ‘belonging to the same people;’ but Sallust here, and in chapter 24, uses it in the more general sense of particeps, socius, ‘associate.’
[127] Dictitare, a contraction for dictitavere: ‘it was frequently said that Catiline had done it for this reason.’ This contraction has nothing that is offensive here, though in form it is the same as the present infinitive; for such an ambiguity of form is not always avoided, provided the context clearly shows what the meaning is. Dictitare contains a repetition of what is implied in fuere qui dicerent.

23.

[128] Met is a suffix which may be appended to all the cases of suus, and answers to our ‘own.’ It is usually followed by ipse. See Zumpt, § 139, note.
[129] Stuprum is the name for every unchaste connexion with unmarried as well as with married women; but adulterium is the illicit intercourse with married women.
[130] ‘To behave more ferociously;’ for agere and agitare, even without an accusative, signify ‘to behave,’ ‘conduct one’s self,’ ‘lead a life.’
[131] Sublato auctore, ‘without mentioning the one of whom she had learned it.’
[132] ‘The nobility was boiling with envy;’ a figurative expression, taken from the boiling of water over the fire, which is frequently used to describe violent passions. So also incendi, ardere, flagrare cupiditate.
[133] A homo novus was at Rome the name for any person, none of whose ancestors had been invested with a curule office; that is, with the consulship, praetorship, quaestorship, or curule aedileship.
[134] Post fuere; that is, postposita sunt, ‘were put on one side.’

24.

[135] ‘Which fact had at first intimidated the associates of the conspiracy.’ The pluperfect here seems to be used for the perfect, but is necessary from the idea, which properly should have been expressed by some such sentence as this: ‘which fact, although it had at first intimidated the conspirators, yet did not stop the progress of the conspiracy.’
[136] Faesulae, now Fiesole, a town in the northern part of Etruria, not far from Florentia (Florence), which is now the largest town in that district, though it was not so in ancient times.
[137] Portare, ‘he caused money to be taken.’ See Zumpt, § 713.
[138] Sumptus tolerare, ‘to bear the expenses,’ implying the difficulty of defraying them.

25.

[139] Haud facile discerneres, ‘it was not easy to determine whether she was less concerned about her money or her reputation,’ since she was reckless in regard to both. Respecting the imperfect subjunctive, see Zumpt, § 528, note 2.
[140] Praeceps is used of steep and precipitous places, and of persons who fall or throw themselves headlong down from or into anything. Hence Sempronia praeceps abierat is, ‘she had thrown herself headlong into ruin,’ which might also be expressed by in praeceps iverat.

26.

[141] Namely, for the year beginning with the first of January, B. C. 62. The elections took place about the middle of the preceding year, consequently, in the present instance, about the middle of the year B. C. 63.
[142] Ad hoc is a common expression in Sallust for praeterea.
[143] Pactione provinciae, by coming to an understanding with him about the provinces which were assigned to the consuls after the expiration of their year of office at Rome. Cicero had obtained by lot the lucrative province of Macedonia and exchanged it for Gallia Cisalpina, which had fallen to the lot of Antonius; but afterwards he declined the latter also, in order to be able to remain at Rome, which at that time was considered to be a sign that a man did not care for money — continentia abstinentia.
[144] The Campus Martius, an extensive open plain between the city and the Tiber, was the place for the large assemblies of the people; that is, for the Comitia Centuriate, in which the consuls and praetors were elected.
[145] Aspera foedaque might also have been expressed by the adverbs aspere foedeque, ‘his attempts turned out unfavourably and disgracefully.’ Compare Zumpt, § 682.

27.

[146] Camers, ‘a native of Camerium,’ (the capital of the Umbrians), for the inhabitants of that place were called Camertes. Picenum or ager Picenus, was the Roman territory on the Adriatic between the mouths of the rivers Aesis and Aternus with the capitals of Ancona and Asculum.

28.

[147] Sicuti salutatum, ‘as if to offer him his morning salutation,’ for such a morning call before sunrise was a common politeness among the Romans.
[148] Or according to the common orthography, intelligit.

29.

[149] Exagitatam for agitatam; but the preposition ex gives to the word the idea of something brought out of its obscurity to light. The matter had already been discussed on the ground of certain rumours.
[150] About decrevit, with the mere subjunctive, without ut, see Zumpt, § 624.
[151] Parare should properly be parandi; but see Zumpt, § 598.

30.

[152] That is, ‘on the 6th day before the 1st of November,’ or on the 27th of October. In such computations with ante and post, the point of time from which the calculation begins is included. See Zumpt, § 867. But we here reckon according to the calendar such as it was subsequently reformed and rectified by J. Caesar.
[153] Portenta are chiefly human beings or animals presenting at their birth anything abnormal or monstrous; prodigia, on the other hand, are strange phenomena in the heavens; and the superstition of the ancients regarded both as signs sent by the gods to warn men.
[154] Senati for senatus. See Zumpt, § 81.
[155] Hi utrique for horum uterque. Zumpt, § 141, note 2.
[156] Both had received the military command (imperium) from the senate and people: Marcius Rex as proconsul of Cilicia, and Metellus for the purpose of subduing Crete. After their return from their provinces, they tarried for a time outside the walls of Rome (ad urbem), because, by entering the city, they would have lost their imperium, which they were anxious to retain until their solemn entrance in a military procession (the triumph), to which the senate had not yet given its sanction. Accordingly, as they were still generals in active service, they could legally be intrusted with the military command in the disturbed districts of Italy.
[157] The intrigues of some influential members of the senate, who had either received bribes from the opponents of the two commanders, or expected some from the commanders themselves, prevented the resolution of the senate here alluded to. Respecting mos erat vendere, see Zumpt, § 598.
[158] Supply to the two names of places missus est, which is implied in the preceding sentence.
[159] Sestertia centum; that is, centum millia sestertiorum, or the ancient census of the citizens of the first class; for the neuter sestertia was used in calculations as an imaginary coin of mille sestertii or ten nummi aurei.
[160] ‘According to the means of every town.’ As the Roman gladiators might easily be tempted to join in conspiracies, they were quartered at a distance from Rome, in the towns of a certain class of Roman citizens (municipia); and the citizens of such places were ordered to watch over those bands of gladiators, that they might not make their escape. Familiae, in its proper sense, signifies the whole body of slaves belonging to one master.
[161] Minores magistratus are those officers who did not, by virtue of their office, become members of the senate. The quaestors, accordingly, did not belong to them, but they comprised the masters of the mint, the superintendents of the paving of the roads, and especially the superintendents of all matters connected with prisons, and the decemviri litibus judicandis.

31.

[162] Quibus. Sallust more frequently uses the accusative in such expressions. See chapter 8.
[163] Afflictare sese, ‘they worried themselves.’ The expression is properly used of that kind of grief which manifests itself in inflicting pain on the body, by pulling the hair, striking the breast or loins, or by throwing one’s self on the ground. So also plangere denotes the physical expression of pain.
[164] A law de vi enacted in the year B.C. 89, and aimed at those who might attempt by violence to subvert the existing constitution of the state. On the ground of this law Catiline had already been summoned before a court of law, though no formal charge had yet been brought against him.
[165] Sicuti is here used for quasi, velut, or perinde ac si, ‘as if.’
[166] This is the first of Cicero’s speeches against Catiline, which was delivered A.D. 6, Id. Novemb.; that is, on the 8th of November.
[167] ‘When he had sat down;’ that is, when he had finished his speech, for those who spoke in the senate did so standing.
[168] The imprudence of this speech, independent of the audacious denial of facts, consists in his boasting of his patrician descent, and in the insinuation that Cicero, who was born in the municipium of Arpinum, was only an alien at Rome, although in regard to political rights there no longer was any difference between patricians and plebeians, nor between the citizens of Rome and those of a municipium. Respecting the construction of opus est, with the ablative of a participle, see Zumpt, § 464, note 1.

33.

[169] The adjective expers here is joined in the same sentence with two different cases; this is an unusual construction, though expers may be joined with the genit. as well as with the ablat. See Zumpt, § 437, note 1.
[170] From what he quotes as the substance of the law, we see that he means the lex Papiria Poetelia, which had been passed in B.C. 326, and according to which the property of a debtor served as a security to the creditor, while his person or his personal liberty could not be touched.
[171] Vestrum; it would be more in accordance with the common usage to say vestri, but the genitive of the personal pronoun also may be used. See Zumpt, §§ 424 and 431.
[172] Literally, ‘the borrowed silver was repaid in copper;’ that is, instead of the ordinary silver coin, the sestertius, the value of four copper ases, only one copper as was paid. By this means debtors gained three-fourths of the capital they had borrowed. This reduction of debts took place in B.C. 86, during the ascendancy of the Marian party.
[173] Amittit; that is, missam facit, dimittit or omittit, ‘he gives up.’

34.

[174] Massilia (the modern Marseilles) was a free and independent city, leagued with the Roman people by treaty. It had been founded about the year B.C. 600, by Greek emigrants from Phocaea in Asia Minor. As Massilia thus was not subject to the civil law of Rome, the Romans who withdraw from the laws of their own country — that is, who went into exile — might choose that city as a safe place of residence, without fear of being delivered up to their own country.

35.

[175] Catiline writes that he will not undertake a detailed defence of his new design of taking up arms, but he says that he wishes to justify himself in regard to one point, and that merely because he is not conscious of any criminal act. Satisfactio is nearly the same as defensio, but less formal. A man defends himself against opponents, but before friends he merely gives an explanation, whereby they may be gained over to his side. Ex nulla conscientia, ‘in consequence of his not being conscious of guilt.’ The expression is rather harsh and artificial, and seemingly in Catiline’s own style of writing.
[176] Medius fidius, the same as mehercules. See Zumpt, § 361.
[177] ‘I could not maintain the position of my dignity;’ that is, I could not maintain my position in society after my enemies had deprived me of the consulship.
[178] ‘Not as if I could not pay my own debts out of my property, since Orestilla has paid even other persons’ debts out of her own purse;’ she would accordingly have done the same much more for me, her husband. Aes alienum meis nominibus is the same as meum ipsius aes alienum, ‘debts on my own account.’ Nomen, in money transactions, is something put down to a person’s account. Hence aes alienum alienis nominibus is the same as aliorum debita, ‘other persons’ debts,’ aes alienum being understood from the preceding clause.
[179] ‘I felt that I had become estranged by false suspicions,’ namely, ‘from the Roman people,’ who confer the honours which have been obtained by unworthy persons.
[180] Hoc nomine, the same as ideo, ‘accordingly,’ ‘for this reason.’
[181] This is said in allusion to the consul Cicero, as if he had intended to arrest Catiline, and imprison him. Catiline evidently has recourse to this expedient for the purpose of avoiding his awkward explanation. They are hollow phrases about honour, the republic, and persecution, and well suited to the ruined circumstances of that nobleman.
[182] Haveto. It is much more common to use this word in meeting a person, while vale is the ordinary expression in parting from a friend.

36.

[183] In agro Arretino, ‘in the territory of Arretium,’ in the heart of Etruria, near the lake Trasimenus.
[184] Sine fraude, ‘without injury’ — that is, without the fact that hitherto they had been with Manlius, drawing any punishment upon them.
[185] Praeter, adverbially for praeterquam; but he might also have used praeter as a preposition: praeter — condemnatas.
[186] Perditum irent. See Zumpt, § 669.

37.

[187] Aliena; supply a republica.
[188] Adeo renders the sentence emphatic, ‘nay, the common people seemed to do this even according to their custom.’ Adeo in this sense is always preceded by a demonstrative pronoun. See Zumpt, § 281.
[189] Boni. In the political signification of this word, the ideas of quiet conduct, aversion to innovations, and acquiescence in the actual state of things, are combined with solid wealth. The reason of this is easily perceptible; for he who possesses property, dreads every change, and supports the existing state of things. A still more decided political meaning is implied in the term optimates, which denotes the party in the state which we now call Conservative, but at Rome it implied at the same time the idea of ‘faction,’ and of a tendency to occasional violence.
[190] ‘Poverty (that is, poor people) maintains itself, or continues in all disturbances without suffering any loss;’ for he who has nothing, cannot sustain any loss.
[191] Ea vero, ‘this in particular. Vero indicates the transition to that circumstance, which in the present case is of the greatest importance. Compare Zumpt, § 348, note.
[192] Sentina properly signifies the sediment which, in a vessel filled with water, sinks to the bottom. Hence ‘the residue,’ or the place where all that is bad or impure is collected.
[193] The largesses in money and provisions with which the state supported the needy population of the capital, and by which private persons, anxious to gain partisans, catered numbers of clients, attracted to Rome many people from the country: the city plebs was thus constantly increasing.
[194] ‘They were as much concerned about the good of the state as about their own good’ — that is, just as little.
[195] Connect quorum with parentes and the following words, bona and jus. Sulla had excluded the sons of those whom he proscribed from all public offices, and thus curtailed their rights of free citizens.

38.

[196] In B. C. 70, these consuls restored the power of the tribunes in its full extent, after it had been greatly reduced by Sulla in B. C. 81. The Roman people received this restoration of the tribunian power with the greatest joy; but Sallust does not seem to approve of it.
[197] Senatus specie; under the pretence of supporting the senate, the nobiles formed opposition to the tribunes, but in reality it was for their own aggrandisement.
[198] Quo for ut eo, ‘that the authority of the senate might be the highest in the state.’

39.

[199] Innoxius has a twofold meaning, one active, ‘one who does no harm’ (noxa), and a passive, ‘one who is not injured,’ ‘one to whom no harm is done,’ qui non afficitur noxa, and in this latter sense it is used in this passage.
[200] ‘In order that, when in office, they themselves might guide the populace more gently,’ since those who excited the multitude would be kept in awe by the terror of the law. Placidius, ‘without harshness,’ ‘without severity,’ harshness and severity being applied only against the popular leaders.
[201] Dubiis rebus, the ablative absolute; cum res dubiae essent, ‘the state of affairs being dangerous.’
[202] ‘A more powerful man would even have wrested their freedom from them.’ About quin, see Zumpt, § 542; and about the imperfect in the sense of a pluperfect, § 525.

40.

[203] The Allobroges inhabited the country from Lacus Lemannus and the Rhone as far south as the Isara. They were subject to Rome, but, with a certain degree of independence, they governed themselves within their own country. Their chief towns were Vienna and Geneva.
[204] Aliena consilii. See Zumpt, § 470.
[205] Respecting the orthography of accersit, see Zumpt, § 202.
[206] Magnus animus is the usual Latin expression for ‘courage,’ and amplior is the same as major.

41.

[207] Manifestum habeo aliquem, ‘I catch a person in the act,’ so that he can be convicted of his crime by unexceptionable evidence.

42.

[208] Gallia citerior is Gaul south of the Alps, or the province of Cisalpine Gaul. Gallia ulterior is Gaul north of the Alps, as far as the Cebenna mountains. The part of modern France beyond those mountains was not yet subject to Rome, but became a Roman province by the conquests of Caesar.
[209] Bruttium is the peninsula of Italy, which extends towards Sicily. It was a mountainous country with many forests.
[210] He was legate to his brother L. Murena, who had then already left the province of Gaul, being a candidate for the consulship for the year B.C. 62, which he obtained.

43.

[211] Signum, in military phraseology, is the visible or audible signal for a movement which the army is to execute. The attack of the tribune of the people on Cicero during his address to the people was to be the signal. ‘After this signal had been given’ (eo signo), dato being understood. Conjurationis for conjuratorum.
[212] Sed. According to ordinary Latinity, the sentence ought to have been introduced by autem; see Zumpt, § 348, note. But it must be observed that in the historical style of Sallust sed very frequently expresses not only opposition, but also mere transition from one thing to another, which seems to be an affectation of simplicity.
[213] The idea expressed by filius familias is ‘a son who is not yet independent, who has not yet a household of his own.’
[214] Inter haec, &c.; that is, dum haec parantur atque decernuntur.

44.

[215] Conveniunt, with the accusative. See Zumpt, § 387.
[216] Qui for quis. See Zumpt, § 134, note.
[217] He means to say, ‘even from the slaves, who, as is now seen, have not been received by Catiline into his army.’

45.

[218] Cuncta. Respecting this accusative, see Zumpt, § 391, note 1.
[219] Pons Mulvius, a bridge across the Tiber, about one mile from the city, outside the porta Flaminia. It still exists under the name of ponte Molle, and is passed by all travellers who go from Rome to the north.
[220] Obsidunt. For this verb, see Zumpt, § 189, under sido.
[221] Ad id loci; that is, ad eum locum.
[222] He betrayed his treasonable designs even by surrendering to the public authorities, as if they were a foreign and hostile power, and by praying them to spare his life.

46.

[223] See Zumpt, § 662.
[224] The meeting of the senate was held in the Temple of Concord, close by the Forum. Temples were often used instead of the Curia Hostilia, which was the regular place for the senate to assemble in. Lentulus was taken to the senate by the consul himself; the others were conducted thither by guards, to be brought before the assembly after the business had been opened.

47.

[225] ‘He was ordered to make his statement on the ground of the promise made to him, on behalf of the state, that he should not be punished.’ Sallust might have used the more complete expression, fide publica data or accepta; but such expressions are to be completed by the sense rather than by any grammatical ellipsis.
[226] Sibylla is the ancient Greek name for a prophetic woman; and at Rome prophecies and counsels (libri Sibyllini) were kept in the Capitol which were believed to have been given as early as the time of the kings by a Sibyl of Cumae. They contained information about festivals, sacrifices, and other religious observances, and the means by which calamities which threatened the state might be averted. They were under the superintendence of a special college of priests, by whom alone they were consulted, on the command of the senate, in cases of public distress or apprehension. This college was called at different times, according to the number of its members, duoviri, decemviri, or quindecemviri sacrorum.
[227] The gens Cornelia comprised a large number of families, such as the Scipios, Dolabellas, Merulas, Sullas, Cinnas, Cethegi, and Lentuli. L. Cinna, by repeated consulships, and as the leader of the Marian party, obtained the highest power at Rome after the death of C. Marius, but was slain in B.C. 84 by his own soldiers, whom he intended to lead against L. Sulla. Sulla, after having been consul as early as the year B.C. 88, became dictator in B.C. 82. Respecting the expression urbis potiri, see Zumpt, § 466.
[228] Haruspices were the interpreters of the signs which were believed to be contained in the entrails of victims sacrificed to the gods, as well as of the phenomena in the atmosphere (monstra), and other occurrences in nature, which seemed to be contrary to the ordinary course of things. The system of this kind of superstition had been principally developed by the ancient Etruscans, and the haruspices engaged in the state religion of the Romans were generally natives of Etruria; and the Romans, owing to the uncertainty of their knowledge of things divine, dreaded this kind of superstition rather than practised it.
[229] Libera custodia is opposed to the carcer publicus, in which the prisoners were treated like slaves, and kept in chains. There were at Rome no prisons for those persons whose guilt was not yet established, or whose punishment consisted merely in confinement; but private persons, or the relatives of the accused, were obliged to keep the person of a criminal in their own houses, until the final decision upon his offence was given by the ordinary courts of justice.

48.

[230] Such transitions from the historical infinitive to the present or imperfect, and vice versa, are not uncommon in Sallust. See chapters 18, 23, 56, 58.
[231] Erant; according to the style of Cicero, it would be essent. See Zumpt, § 565.
[232] For deprehensio Lentuli et aliorum, which would be more in accordance with the usage of modern languages.
[233] In tali tempore. See Zumpt, § 475, note.
[234] They demanded that the consul should bring forward the matter, as to whether the statement of Tarquinius was to be believed, in order that the votes might be taken upon it. For without a special relatio by the magistrate authorised to make it (commonly the presiding consul, but sometimes also a tribune of the people), no senatus consultum could be made.
[235] Potestatem; supply from the context indicandi.
[236] Praedicantem. See Zumpt, § 636.

49.

[237] These two leaders of the party of the optimates had been consuls, Catulus in the year B.C. 78, and C. Piso in B.C. 67; and Catulus had also been censor in B.C. 65. Both were enemies of Caesar, who had defeated Catulus in his canvas for the office of pontifex maximus, and had caused a judicial inquiry to be instituted against Piso, about the manner in which he had conducted the proconsular administration of Gaul. Caesar was even then considered as the leader of the popular party, and as an opponent of the senate and its influence in the constitution.
[238] It was at that time that Caesar, on going from home to the elective assembly, said to his mother, ‘To-day you shall see your son either as pontifex, or you shall never see him again.’ Caesar, however, is here called an adolescentulus only in comparison with the aged Catulus, for he was at that time thirty-six years old.
[239] ‘In public life by the greatest exhibitions;’ for munera are exhibitions by means of which a private person, and still oftener a magistrate, endeavoured to win the favour of the people. As regards Caesar, that which is said here refers to the brilliant exhibitions in his aedileship, and the games which he gave while invested with that office. But he had thereby got so deeply into debt, that when, after his praetorship — with which he was invested in B. C. 62, the year after the Catilinarian conspiracy — he wanted to leave Rome to go to his province of Spain, he was kept back by his creditors; and he was not allowed to depart until M. Crassus had given security for him.
[240] Dicerent. Respecting this subjunctive, see Zumpt, § 551.
[241] Mobilitas animi, ‘irritability,’ or that state of mind which is easily excited, or upon which it is easy to make an impression. Clarius esset is an explanation of gladio minitarentur.

50.

[242] Multitudines; that is, catervae, factiones, crowds or bands of men united for the purpose of creating disturbances among the people.
[243] This is the customary form of condemnation in a decree of the senate, whereby it is declared that a wrong has actually been done to the state, or that an attempt has been made upon the constitution. The verdict of ‘guilty,’ therefore, had been pronounced by the senate itself.
[244] Sententiam rogatus. See Zumpt, § 393, note 1.
[245] He had declared that at the voting, which took place after the members of the senate had expressed their opinions, he would vote for the opinion of Tib. Nero; for the voting took place by a division (discessio), only one proposal being voted upon at a time, so that those who supported it separated from those who did not support it, but intended to vote for any other opinion (alia omnia).
[246] This opinion then aimed only at an adjournment of the matter. Its issue was to be waited for; but in the meantime, the posts of guards were to be strengthened, and a fresh proposal was to be made respecting the punishment of the prisoners. The Tib. Nero here mentioned is the grandfather of the Emperor Tiberius, who was raised to the imperial throne in A. D. 14, in the fifty-sixth year of his age.

51.

[247] Male consulere, ‘to form bad’ or ‘injurious resolutions.’
[248] Perse. Respecting the forms of this name, see Zumpt, §§ 52, 54.
[249] An must be explained by supplying another interrogation before it, such as alione? ‘had that speech any other object, or had it this one?’ for an is used only in the second part of a double question.
[250] ‘To be sure words will fire him on, whom the thing itself did not move’ — that is, words are sure not to rouse him whom the thing itself did not move; for scilicet has an ironical force.
[251] Injuriae suae, ‘the injuries done to him.’
[252] ‘Many have taken them more seriously to heart than was necessary.’ It is more common to say gravius tulerunt. The perfect, habuere, in expressing a general truth, has the sense of a present, or rather of a Greek aorist, denoting that which once happened, and still continues to happen. Compare p.22, note 2 [note 68].
[253] Vitam habent for vitam agunt, which is more common. Sallust is very fond of the verb habere in certain phrases. See Jug. 10.
[254] Equidem ego for ego quidem. See Zumpt, § 278.
[255] Inimicitiae. About this plural, see Zumpt, § 94. The singular inimicitia is not used at all.
[256] ‘Such I know to be the character of the man.’
[257] Subigere here, as in many other passages of Sallust, has the meaning of cogere, invitum impellere (‘to force a person to something’), followed by an infinitive instead of a clause with ut.
[258] Id quod res habet, ‘that which is in the nature of the thing.’ Caesar hereby means to represent his opinion as philosophically correct, and in accordance with nature. Id quod belong together.
[259] Such had indeed been the custom in former times. The condemned person, previous to being beheaded with the axe, was bound to a post and scourged. This barbarous punishment continued to be inflicted sometimes even at a later period, when it was expressly mentioned in the verdict that the criminal should be punished more majorum. Animadvertere is the proper expression for the infliction of bodily punishment by a lictor, who has to pay attention to his orders; but it is also used of the person who gives the order, and causes it to be carried into effect, just as interficere is said both of the executioner and the person who orders a man to be put to death.
[260] This law, proposed by one Porcius, and passed by the people, forbade the scourging of Roman citizens on the naked body; so that, after the passing of that law, an execution consisted simply in beheading a criminal with the sword; and if he was a soldier, flogging took the place of scourging. The celebrated M. Porcius Cato, about B. C. 160, recommended this bill to the people; but it was not he who proposed it, but an unknown person of the name of Porcius, probably a tribune of the people.
[261] There were no Roman laws forbidding capital punishment, or substituting exile in its place, and for this reason Caesar does not refer to any such law. He supports his view only by the circumstance that, in all the more recent laws, especially in the criminal law of Sulla, exile (interdictio aquae et ignis) was fixed upon as the extreme penalty; and that according to the usual indulgence (not sanctioned by any law), accused persons, if they denied being guilty, and were defended by some one, remained in the enjoyment of their freedom until the sentence was passed. Thus it happened that a person, foreseeing his condemnation, might quit the Roman territory, and take up his abode within the territory of some town or city where the Roman law was not in force, and where the Roman state placed no obstacles in his way.
[262] ‘How is it consistent?’ Respecting qui for quomodo or quo pacto, see Zumpt, § 133, note. The minus negotium is the scourging, and the majus negotium the execution.
[263] At enim introduces an objection raised by the orator himself. At represents the objection, and enim introduces an explanation of it. See Zumpt, § 349.
[264] Caesar means to say that the present senate, which, as he flatteringly says, consists of worthy men, will not abuse the power of putting Roman citizens to death; but that a subsequent senate, taking such an example as a precedent, might abuse its power. It must be observed that the Roman senate possessed the power over the life and death of citizens, not by virtue of legal enactments, but only by ancient custom. This power legally belonged only to the people assembled in the Comitia Centuriata, or to those to whom the people expressly intrusted it — namely, the ordinary and extraordinary courts of justice. It may seem surprising that Caesar does not express himself more energetically against the right claimed by the senate; but he would certainly have spoken in vain, for it was every senator’s interest that the power of the senate should be recognised in its greatest extent, even though it should not be exercised in every particular case.
[265] That is, the so-called thirty tyrants in the year B. C. 404.
[266] Ea; for this accusative, see Zumpt, § 385.
[267] Damasippus was only a surname of the praetor M. Junius Brutus, who in the year B. C. 82 put to death a great many Roman nobles of the party of Sulla.
[268] Namely, by Sulla, after he had been made dictator.
[269] Pleraque; most of the ensigns and distinctions by which the magistrates were distinguished from private persons, especially the toga praetexta, sella curulis, fasces (which were carried by the lictors), and, above all, the splendid procession of the triumphatores.
[270] Legibus is here a pleonasm, and might have been omitted. We must here repeat that Caesar makes an artful application of the circumstance that, in all the late criminal laws, the interdictio aquae et ignis was fixed as the severest punishment, as if thereby a person had been simply permitted to withdraw from the republic. The interdictio was a much more severe punishment, inasmuch as the person on whom it was inflicted lost all his rights as a citizen, and as every one was forbidden to receive him into his house, so that he was a complete outcast. Wherever these regulations were not carried into effect, and even in case a criminal made his escape before the sentence was pronounced, we can see nothing but an abuse of clemency.
[271] Quominus is here used because the leading clause conveys the idea of a hindrance; but ne also might have been written.
[272] Per municipia, ‘among the municipia.’ See Zumpt, § 301.

52.

[273] Cato says, ‘When I consider the danger of our situation, I form quite a different view from what I do when I reflect upon the opinions expressed by some about the punishment of the criminals; for the present danger demands energetic measures of defence, while some of you are speaking only about the punishment of a crime already committed. But such a view is incorrect, for we are still surrounded by the greatest dangers.’
[274] Pluris facere, ‘to esteem higher.’
[275] Capessere rem publicam, ‘to take part in the administration of the state,’ or ‘to devote one’s self to its service.’
[276] Verba facere, ‘to speak,’ or ‘to make a speech.’
[277] ‘I who had never connived at any of my bad acts’ — that is, I who had never given way to my own weaknesses. About this subjunctive expressing the reason why the orator does not allow the faults of others to pass unnoticed, see Zumpt, §§ 555, 558.
[278] ‘The strength of the state bore the negligence’ in restraining the arbitrary proceedings in which individuals indulged.
[279] ‘And here any one will speak to me of clemency and mercy!’ alluding to Caesar. The negative pronoun quisquam is used because the meaning implied is, that no one ought to have done so. See Zumpt, § 709.
[280] Equidem for quidem, as often in Sallust, but never in Cicero. The meaning is: ‘We have indeed (quidem) long since lost the habit of calling things by their true names, but this erroneous application of the word mercy is not to be borne.’
[281] Eo; Cicero would have said ea re.
[282] Instead of et, the author might have used neve (neu), since from the preceding clause we have to supply ne to et. This is not a very common mode of speaking; but it occurs most frequently when, after a negative clause, et introduces a kind of antithesis, and thus acquires the power of sed.
[283] Et non corrects the untrue supposition, that there were no rebels except at Rome. In such a case we can neither use non without et, nor neque. See Zumpt, § 334.
[284] ‘If Caesar alone is unconcerned, it is more requisite (necessary or important) that I should be concerned for me and for you.’ About refert, see Zumpt, §§ 23, 449, note.
[285] Habetote; this future imperative denotes that something is to be done when something else shall take place. Zumpt, § 583.
[286] The meaning is: ‘All will be there immediately’ — that is, they will rise to make the attack.
[287] Cato means to say, ‘It is a wrong opinion that our state has become great by arms; for if this were true, it would now be in the most flourishing condition, as our military power is now greater than it ever was. The republic has become great much more by the activity of the citizens, and by the justice of the government, and it is this activity and stern justice that must be restored.’
[288] Obnoxius, ‘subject to a punishment,’ or ‘to be injured (noxa);’ hence, figuratively, ‘bound,’ ‘dependent.’ Our ancestors, says Cato, could deliberate and judge without bias, for their minds were not crippled either by crimes they had committed, nor by immoderate desires and passions — a hint intimating that those who were in favour of lenient measures were conscious of their own guilt, and not free from bad intentions.
[289] Hic — that is, in the senate, in discussing matters of public importance, you allow yourselves to be guided only by your desire to gain money and popularity, being anxious not to offend any one who may be in your way.
[290] Vacuam — namely, a defensoribus, ‘defenceless,’ ‘helpless.’
[291] Incendere, a free use of the infinitive for ad patriam incendendam.
[292] A question expressive of wonder, in which the interrogative particles are commonly not used. See Zumpt, § 351, note.
[293] Ironically: ‘I am of opinion that you should have mercy, and dismiss the criminals.’ The subjunctive without ut depends upon the verb censeo; it is not a subjunctive for an imperative.
[294] ‘Assuredly this clemency of yours will end in misery.’ Respecting nae, see Zumpt, § 360; and on the transitive sense of vertere, § 145.
[295] The sentence beginning with scilicet is again ironical. The sense, without the irony, is: ‘Nor can it be supposed that you consider the matter indeed difficult, but that you are without fear. You are, on the contrary, full of fear, but you hesitate.’
[296] Immo vero, ‘oh no; on the contrary.’ See Zumpt, § 277.
[297] Respecting this form of hypothetical sentences, see Zumpt, § 524, note 1. The verb in the apodosis might be implorabis, without altering the meaning.
[298] This statement differs in two points from the current tradition of history. First, the praenomen of this Manlius is commonly Titus, and so we must no doubt correct here, even though the manuscripts have Aulus. Secondly, he did not show his severe military discipline towards his son in the Gallic war, but in the great Latin war, which ended, in B.C. 340, with the subjugation of Latium. Manlius ordered his son to be executed in presence of the army; and to characterise that harsh severity, the orator uses the word necare instead of interficere or occidere.
[299] Quidquam is stronger than siquid — that is, the expression of the negative is more strongly marked in the protasis.
[300] ‘If there were room for a mistake’ — namely, in the resolution to be come to. The meaning is: ‘No time is to be lost, since, if you come to a wrong determination, you will be ruined before you have time to correct your decision.’
[301] ‘Is upon our necks,’ a figurative expression, properly applied to a wrestler who seizes another by the throat.

53.

[302] ‘What has chiefly helped in carrying out such great undertakings.’ Negotium sustinere, ‘to be able to carry out a business,’ representing the negotium as a burden.
[303] Sallust states that, after mature consideration of all the circumstances, he has come to the conviction that the merit of individual citizens had raised Rome to its supremacy over the world, but that afterwards there were no men of importance, or excelling others by mental superiority, and that the state, as a whole, alone made the faults of individuals bearable. We must honour the judgment of Sallust, but cannot agree with it; we must rather believe that the unvarying ability of the whole Roman people, notwithstanding the not very prominent minds of individuals, was the cause of the rapid progress of the Roman dominion. In the later times, on the other hand, we meet a Scipio the younger, a Marius, a Sulla, a Pompey, and a Caesar, all of whom were men or generals of eminent talent, while all those who served under them were persons of inferior abilities.
[304] Effeta parentum, the same as effeta parens, ‘a mother who has had children, but can have no more.’ Respecting the partitive genitive (as in aliqui militum for aliqui milites), see Zumpt, § 430. The author in the progress of his sentence abandons the construction with which he began, and which ought to have been continued thus: Roma haud sane quemquam virtute magnum protulit, for which he says, Romae haud sane quisquam virtute magnus fuit. This deviation from the construction may be explained still more easily, if in our mind we add facit to the words sicuti effeta parentum, ‘as is the case with an aged mother.’ Multis tempestatibus, ‘during a long time.’ The singular tempestas in the sense of ‘time’ is not uncommon, but the plural tempestates in the sense of ‘periods of time’ occurs only in Sallust in this passage, and Jug. 73, 96, and 108.
[305] Quin is used regularly for ut non after a negative clause: ‘I would not pass them over in silence, without unfolding their characters.’

54.

[306] ‘But the one a different one from the other.’ The Latin custom of repeating the same word obliges the author, having once said alia, to use alii, which, strictly speaking, should be alteri, as he is speaking of only two persons.
[307] ‘The less he strove after fame, the more it followed him of itself,’ so that gloria must be supplied.

55.

[308] Dicessit; that is, after the senate, a division having taken place, had decided in favour of Cato’s opinion. Compare p. 50, note 2 [note 245].
[309] Read tresviros; each one by himself was called triumvir ‘one of the college of the three.’ These officers belonging to the magistratus minores, had the superintendence of the public prison, and the carrying of the sentence into execution; whence their complete title was tresviri capitales. The singular, triumvir, does not justify the plural triumviri, since the ordinary grammatical laws require tres viri. In manuscripts, we usually had III. viri. Compare Zumpt, § 124.
[310] The preposition de in this compound adds to the idea of the simple verb ducere, that of the place to which a person is led, and in which he is to remain; hence it is frequently used in the expression domum deducere, ‘to take’ or ‘lead a person home.’
[311] Locus, quod. Respecting the gender of the relative pronoun, see Zumpt, § 372.
[312] The whole structure was called carcer Mamertinus, and its main parts still exist, being changed into a Christian church, San Pietro in carcere. It is situated not far from the ancient forum Romanum, to the north-east, at the foot of the Capitoline hill. According to Sallust’s description, persons on entering had to go down a few steps leading to the entrance of the Tullianum, a subterraneous apartment cut into the rock, and covered over with a roof; and this was the place where prisoners were executed. Their corpses were afterwards publicly exhibited in the adjoining Scalae Gemoniae. The name Tullianum is derived by the Romans from their king, Tullius Hostilius.
[313] ‘The roof is bound together by arches of stone,’ to make it strong, for otherwise, wooden beams were used for such purposes.
[314] Incultus, a substantive of rare occurrence, denoting ‘want of cleanliness,’ ‘the absence of care.’
[315] ‘Punishers of capital offences’ is only a paraphrase for carnifices, ‘executioners.’
[316] Cornelius Lentulus had been consul as early as B.C. 71, but the year after, he had been ejected from the senate by the censors, on account of his base conduct. In order to be able to re-enter the senate, he caused himself to become praetor a second time in this year, B.C. 63, in which he ended his life so disgracefully. It is mentioned that he was of a manly and handsome appearance; but the baseness of his character is attested also by other authors.
[317] The only one among the others who was a member of the senate was Cornelius Cethegus; Gabinius and Statilius were men of equestrian rank, and Caeparius was a native of the municipium of Terracina.

56.

[318] A regular military force is more commonly called copiae, but the singular, copia, also occurs in the sense of ‘army,’ especially when it consists of an irregular mass of troops.
[319] Cohortes complet cannot mean in this passage, ‘he makes the cohorts complete,’ for such a completeness (consisting of at least 420 men) is incompatible with the addition pro numero militum, ‘according to the number of his soldiers’ in each cohort was not the usual number of a complete cohort. Complet refers to the number of cohorts, ten of which made a legion. Translate therefore, ‘he makes the full number of cohorts.’
[320] Duobus milibus, Sallust might have said duo milia, with the ellipsis of quam so customary with plus, amplius, and minus. See Zumpt, § 485.
[321] Sparus is said to be a wooden kind of weapon, resembling a shepherd’s staff, turned at the top; and lancea a spear with a handle in the middle. Both these weapons were not used by Roman soldiers, for the latter, besides the short and broad gladius, used the pilum, as long as a man is high, and as thick as a fist, the upper end of which was strongly provided with iron, and sometimes the hasta, which was still longer, and had an iron point.
[322] L. Antonius, the colleague of Cicero in the consulship, B.C. 63.
[323] Servitia, cujus magnae copiae; a singular construction, which cannot be explained otherwise than by taking cujus as a neuter, ‘slaves, of which large numbers flocked to him.’ This explanation, however, is supported by the consideration that slaves were regarded as things, and were designated by names of the neuter gender, as servitia, mancipia. In ordinary language, we should say cujus generis, ‘of which class of men.’
[324] Videri for se videri, ‘he thought it contrary to his interest to appear to have maintained the cause of citizens with the aid of runaway slaves.’ Respecting the omission of the subject of the infinitive when it is a personal pronoun, see Zumpt, § 605.

57.

[325] The territory of Pistoria, in the north of Etruria, not far from Faesulae, and to the north of Florentia, is in the Apennines. The regular road from Pisae to Genoa, and thence across the Alps into Transalpine Gaul, ran along the sea-coast. Cisalpine Gaul was likewise protected against Catiline by Metellus, so that he could reach his goal (Transalpine Gaul) only by mountain passes.
[326] Antonius followed the bands of Catiline, which were not inconvenienced by baggage, as they were fleeing (in fuga; that is, fugientes). Antonius’s army marched on smoother roads, but had to carry heavier baggage. From all this, we see why Antonius, though not far from the enemy, yet could not reach him. Respecting the adverb utpote, see Zumpt, § 271. Utpote qui, ‘the which,’ is used as a conjunction for quippe qui, generally with the subjunctive, and indicates the cause of the preceding statement.

58.

[327] Officere is properly ‘to oppose,’ ‘obstruct,’ aliquid alicui rei; then omitting the object (aliquid) with the dative alone, ‘to be an obstacle to,’ or ‘to hinder,’ therefore, officia famae tuae, ‘I oppose something to your fame.’ ‘Internal fear is a hindrance to the ear,’ so that admonitions are either not heard at all, or do not penetrate into the mind.
[328] Catiline assigns the circumstance that he had expected aid and succours from Rome itself, as the cause of his not having set out for Gaul earlier, when he might have accomplished his end. Opperior, ‘I wait for,’ or expecto dum aliquis veniat.
[329] Quo in loco, ‘in which situation.’ The preposition in might have been omitted. See Zumpt, § 481.
[330] Egestas, ‘want,’ with the genitive of the thing wanted, is of rare occurrence for inopia or penuria. Egestas is commonly used absolutely in the sense of ‘poverty,’ ‘neediness.’
[331] Haec is here used in the general sense of ‘these circumstances;’ that is, this honourable but difficult war. This we must infer from the haec following.
[332] For the construction of mutare, see Zumpt, § 456.
[333] Quis for quibus. Ea, not id. Zumpt, § 372.
[334] ‘Give me courage,’ or ‘give me hope,’ for hortari is applied to persons doing good things, and admonere to persons doing bad ones: hortamur properantem, admonemus cunctantem.
[335] Cavete — amittatis, neu trucidemeni for cavete, ne amittatis, neve (neu) trucidemini. See Zumpt, § 586.

59.

[336] Canere is used in different ways: tubicen canit signum, ‘the trumpeter blows the signal;’ tubicen canit, ‘the trumpeter blows (his instrument);’ signa canuntur, ‘signals are blown’ or ‘given;’ and lastly, signa canunt, ‘the signals sound.’ The last expression is the one used in our passage.
[337] Rupe aspera, &c. ‘For in accordance with the nature of the plain between hills on the left-hand side, and on the right a rugged rock, he drew up (only) eight cohorts in front.’ A simpler construction would have been et rupem asperam a dextra, but the manuscripts are decidedly in favour of the ablative, which must be considered as an ablative absolute, and as forming a distinct clause. Other editions have the correction rupis aspera, ‘the rough part of a rock’ (aspera being the neut. plur.), but this is a poetical expression. See Zumpt, § 435.
[338] Literally, ‘The signals (vexilla) of the other cohorts he places in the rear as a reserve, more closely together.’ Signa here denotes the separate divisions of the troops; that is, the cohorts and the three maniples in each cohort, which are distinguished from one another by their flags or banners (vexilla). When an army was drawn up in a spacious plain, a space was left between the several divisions, but in this case, the plain being too narrow, there were no such spaces.
[339] ‘From among these who were drawn up as a reserve, he draws, for the purpose of strengthening the van, all centurions, picked men (in apposition), and the volunteers who had not been enlisted, as well as the ablest of the common soldiers who were provided with arms.’ The word lectos belonging to centuriones, shows that Catiline had appointed to the office of centurions only chosen men who were personally known to him as able soldiers. Evocati were those soldiers in a Roman army who did not serve in the ranks of the other common soldiers, but as a separate corps, and were exempt from the ordinary military duties of standing as sentinels, making fortifications, foraging, and the like. They derived their name from the fact that they were invited (evocare) by the general to serve in the army as volunteers; they, moreover, were generally more advanced in years than the regular troops.
[340] Curare, ‘to command.’
[341] Catiline himself stood nearest the standard (eagle) with his most faithful followers, whose personal fate depended upon him; that is, the freedmen of his family and the tenant farmers of his estates. The Roman nobles, as early as that time, used to parcel out their estates in small farms, which were tenanted especially by their freedmen, who were thus patronised by their former masters.
[342] Pedibus aeger. He had the gout. Dion Cassius, a later historian of Rome, who wrote in Greek, states that Antonius only pretended to be ill, in order not to have to fight against his friend Catiline.
[343] A legatus, in this sense (for it also means ‘ambassador’), supplied, in a Roman army, the place of a commander possessing the imperium. Accordingly, consuls and praetors, when intrusted with the command of an army, had one or more legates, according to the number of legions which they had under their command. The office of legate was given by the senate to such men as had held a magistracy, generally the praetorship, or at least the quaestorship, and the senate appointed them on the proposal of the commander-in-chief. When there were several legates, the commander-in-chief might intrust one of them with the command of the whole army; but the commander-in-chief was answerable for all the acts of his legate.
[344] Tumulti for tumultus, as senati for senatus.

60.

[345] Ferentarii are light-armed troops fighting at a distance with javelins.
[346] The banners being turned hostilely against one another. Respecting cum, see Zumpt, § 473; for we also find infestis signis concurrere, without cum, as an ablative of the instrument.
[347] The cohors praetoria was a battalion which, in forming an army, was composed of the ablest and most tried soldiers, as the bodyguard of the commander-in-chief. They had to protect him, and assist him in contriving to bring any engagement to the point where he wished it to be. Under the emperors, the cohortes praetoriae, nine or ten in number — the emperors having several armies under their command — formed the body-guard of the emperor and the garrison of Rome.

61.

[348] ‘There you might indeed have seen.’ See Zumpt, § 528, note 2.
[349] In the centre of the army where they were drawn up.
[350] Adversa vulnera, ‘wounds in the breast,’ or ‘in the front part of the body’ generally. Aversa vulnera, on the other hand, are ‘wounds in the back,’ such as are inflicted on cowards that run away.
[351] Quisquam for ullus. See Zumpt, § 676.
[352] Juxta, ‘equally little.’ They had spared the life of their enemy as little as their own. Compare p. 41, note 3 [note 194].
[353] These four substantives form contrasts, though intentionally not in the regular way, for gaudium and moeror denote a joyous and sad state of mind, ‘joy’ and ‘sadness;’ laetitia and luctus at the same time express the audible expressions of joy and grief. Accordingly, laetitia contrasts with luctus, and gaudia with moeror. Respecting the omission of the conjunction in describing contrasts of this nature, see Zumpt, § 783.